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From Colonial Times 
to the Present 


Samuel A. Ashe 


Charles L. Van Noppen 


Greensboro, N. C. 



Kemp P. Battle . 
John C. Buxton 
Theo. F. Davidson 
Junius Davis 
rufus a. doughton 
Thomas J. Jarvis 
James Y. Joyner . 
Charles D. McIver 
William L. Poteat 
James H. Southgate 
Charles W. Tillett 

Chapel Hill 


. Asheville 






Wake Forest 


. Charlotte 

The Publisher desires to say that it has 
been his design, in co-operation with the 
eminent gentlemen associated in the prep- 
aration of this work, to present to posterity 
some account of those useful citizens who 
have been connected with the events and 
historical episodes exerting an influence on 
the life of the people and on the develop- 
ment of the institutions and industries of 
the State of North Carolina. 

If this design has been executed as de- 
sired, the work speaks best for itself and 
needs no further preface. 

Advisory Board vii 

Preface ix 

Contents . xi 

Portraits .... xv 

Contributors xviii 

The Story of the People i 

Secession and Reconstruction 22 

Alexander, Abraham 37 

Alexander, Nathaniel 39 

Alexander, John McKnitt 42 

Andrews, Alexander Boyd 45 

Archdale, John 60 

Ashe, Samuel A'Court 66 

Aycock, Charles B 76 

Battle, Cullen Andrews 83 

Barringer, John Paul 89 

Barringer, General Paul . 95 

Barringer, Daniel Moreau 100 

Barringer, William no 

Barringer, Rufus • 116 

Barringer, Victor Clay 125 

Barringer, John Alston 130 

Barringer, Paul Brandon . . .... -135 


Barringer, Daniel Moreau, Jr. 145 

Benbow, De Witt Clinton 


Benbury, Thomas .... 

• 154 

Blakeley, Johnston .... 

• 157 

Blount, Reading .... 

. 161 

Blount, William Augustus 


Borden, Edwin Brownrigg . 


Bridgers, Robert Rufus . 


Brown, Bedford 


Brown, Joseph Gill . 


Brevard, Ephraim ... 


Buncombe, Edward ... 


Burns, Otway . 


Burrington, George . . ... 


Caldwell, David ... 


Caldwell, Joseph Pearson . 


Cooper, David Young . . 


Cox, William Ruffin 


CoxE, Franklin . 


Craige, Burton 


Craige, Kerr ... . . 


Drummond, William 


DuRANT, George . 


Eden, Charles 


Edwards, Weldon N. . . . 


Everard, Richard . 


Fanning, Edmund ... 


Fuller, Thomas C. . . . .... 


Furches, David Moffatt 


Gale, Christopher ... 


Harvey, John, Sr. . . 



Henderson, Richard 297 

Henderson, John Steele 300 

Hoke, Robert Frederick 309 

HoRNE, Ashley 322 

Hyde, Edward 329 

Jarvis, Thomas Jordan 332 

Johnston, William 341 

KiLGO, John Carlisle 349 

Kingsbury, Theodore Bryant 356 

LiLLiNGTON, Alexander 363 

Means, Paul Barringer 366 

Miller, John Fulenwider 377 

Mitchell, Elisha 3^4 

MuRCHisoN, David Reid 392 

MuRCHisoN, Kenneth McKenzie 398 

Nash, Abner 403 

Nash, Frederick 405 

Pollock, Thomas 41 1 

Pritchard, Jeter Conley 4^3 

Ransom, Matt Whitaker 420 

RoBBiNS, William McKendree 43° 

Scott, Hugh Reid 43^ 

Swain, David Lowry 447 

Taylor, Charles Elisha 45^ 

Tompkins, Daniel A ... 465 

Tryon, William 47^ 

Watts, George Washington .... . . 474 

Ashe, Samuel A'Court Frontispiece 

Andrews, Alexander Boyd facing 45 

Aycock, Charles B. . " 76 

Barringer, General Paul .... . . " 95 

Barringer, Daniel Moreau " 100 

Barringer, William . . " no 

Barringer, Rufus " 116 

Barringer, Victor Clay . " 125 

Barringer, John Alston . " 130 

Barringer, Paul Brandon . " 135 

Barringer, Daniel Moreau, Jr " 145 

Benbow, De Witt Clinton " 148 

Borden, Edwin Brownrigg " 167 

Bridgers, Robert Rufus " 171 

Brown, Joseph Gill " 186 

Caldwell, Joseph Pearson " 213 

Cooper, David Young . . " 218 

Cox, William Ruffin " 226 

Coxe, Franklin . . " 237 

Craige, Burton " 244 

Craige, Kerr " 250 

Fuller, Thomas C . " 277 

Furches, David Moffatt " 287 



Henderson, John Steele facing 300 

Hoke, Robert Frederick " 309 

Horne, Ashley " 322 

Jarvis, Thomas Jordan " 332 

Johnston, William " 341 

KiLGO, John Carlisle " 349 

Means, Paul Barringer " 365 

Miller, John Fulenwider " 377 

MuRCHisoN, David Reid " 392 

MuRCHisoN, Kenneth McKenzie " 398 

Pritchard, Jeter Conley . . " 413 

Ransom, Matt Whitaker " 420 

RoBBiNS, William McKendree " 430 

Scott, Hugh Reid " 436 

Swain, David Lowry " 447 

Taylor, Charles Elisiia " 458 

Tompkins, Daniel A " 465 

Watts, George Washington " 474 

Samuel A. Ashe Theodore B. Kingsbury, LL.D. 

Daniel M. Barringer, A.M. Paul B. Means, A.B. 

P. B. Barringer, M.D., LL.D. Franklin B. McDowell, A.B. 

Jacob T. Barron Frank Nash 

John Spencer Bassett, Ph.D. William S. Pearson, A.B. 

Kemp P. Battle, LL.D. Thomas M. Pittman 

Fabius H. Busbee, A.m. Jethro Rumple, D.D. 

Edwin Thomas Cansler Charles M. Stedman, A.M. 

John B. Carlyle, A.M. Hugh R. Scott, A.M. 

Leonidas W. Crawford, D.D. Edward W. Sikes, Ph.D. 

Cyrus P Frazier, A.M. Stephen B. Weeks, Ph.D., LL.D. 
Marshall DeLancey Haywood WooDROw Wilson, Ph.D., LL.D. 

Herman H. Horne, Ph.D. William A. Withers, A.M. 


N examining the biographies embraced in this 
volume one will observe that, with but few 
exceptions, all the men of mark in North 
Carolina have sprung from ancestors who set- 
tled in the State more than a century ago. 
This circumstance is interesting because it 
emphasizes a notable difference between the conditions that are 
found in North Carolina and those that exist in the other com- 
monwealths of the Union. Although North Carolina has con- 
tributed largely to the stream of pioneer settlers who have so 
energetically subdued the wilderness o'f the West, she herself has 
received no accession of population since the Revolutionary War. 
Thus it happens that her citizenship rests almost exclusively on 
the stock that inhabited her territory in colonial days, and that 
her people, having been developed under her local institutions, 
may now with truth be said to be "racy of the soil." They are 
the product of several generations of North Carolina's bright 
sunshine, of her temperate climate, her salubrious atmosphere, of 
her extensive forests and fertile fields, and of the life of comfort 
and tranquil ease that her inhabitants have so largely enjoyed. 

While it is always of interest to study the beginnings of a 
people, and to trace the rise of their institutions and the founda- 
tion of their characteristics, it is especially so when the develop- 


ment has been a steady progress through natural growth, unaffected 
by extraneous influences. 

Although the first English settlement, made in Queen Elizabeth's 
time, was seated on Roanoke Island, now within the confines of 
North Carolina, as that attempt at colonization ended in disaster, 
it had no influence or effect whatever on the life or history of 
the people who subsequently settled in that vicinity; but the 
story of that first entrance of the English into the wilds of 
America is only as some fable or romantic tradition associated 
with the locality, and investing it with a mournful interest because 
of the mystery attending the unhappy fate of Raleigh's "Lost 

In like manner, the settlement in 1663 at Charlestown, on 
the Cape Fear, by the colony from Massachusetts and the Barba- 
does, which after a few years passed away and disappeared, ex- 
erted no influence whatsoever on the subsequent history of the 
province. As interesting as these incidents may be to persons fond 
of historical research, they are entirely aside from the history of 
the men and women who inhabit North Carolina. 

The first stone in the foundations of the State was laid when, 
about 1658, some few adventurous Virginians passed through the 
wilderness beyond Nansemond, and, having explored the region 
bordering on the great Carolina Sound, purchased lands from the 
Yeopim Indians and began a settlement there. 

The territory south of latitude 36° to the borders of Florida 
had been granted to Sir Robert Heath by Charles I., under 
the name of Carolana, and had thus become detached from 
Virginia, and although Virginia traders by the middle of the 
century were measurably familiar with the Carolina Sound, there 
had been no occasion for any families to locate on its distant shores. 
But about the date mentioned a few planters were led to seek 
new homes in that region, finding inducements in the superior 
advantages of its fertile lands. They brought with them the ideas 
of government and the customs then prevalent in their Virginia 
homes, and for a time their settlement on the sound was known 
merely by the name of "The New Plantations." 


In England, Cromwell's commonwealth had replaced the 
kingdom, and Virginia at that time was a representative republic, 
being, indeed, entitled to be particularly known as the "Home of 
the Free." On the Revolution in England, that province, of 
which George Berkeley was the royal governor, adhered to the 
Crown, winning the appellation of the "Old Dominion," until at 
length, in 1652, Parliament despatched a fleet to enforce a 
recognition of its authority. On the arrival of this force a treaty 
was agreed upon between the representatives of Parliament and 
the people of Virginia, by which practical independence was ac- 
corded to the Old Dominion. Manhood suffrage prevailed, and 
the Assembly, freely chosen by the people, elected the governor 
and other officers, so that that province, alone of all the countries 
of the world, had republican institutions resting on the will of 
all the free inhabitants. The people governed themselves and 
conformed their religious and civil polity to their own desires ; and 
the dissenting element predominating in the Assembly, although 
the Church of England was tolerated, the Prayer-book was not 
allowed to be used in religious services, and there was a notable 
lack of ministers in the province. 

Such were the conditions in Virginia when George Durant 
and the pioneer settlers crossed the narrow margin of intervening 
forests and located on the shores of the great Carolina Sound, 
doubtless expecting to be exempt from the burden of paying 
annual rent to the government, as was the requirement in Virginia. 

A few years later, when Cromwell's government was tottering 
to its fall, the Virginia Assembly elected Berkeley to be again 
governor, who, upon the restoration of Charles, hastened to Court, 
and, being reappointed by the king, he received instructions to 
require the inhabitants of the New Plantations to take out grants 
for their lands from him as governor of Virginia. At the same 
time he appears to have set on foot an application to the king 
for the grant of Carolina to himself, his brother and six other 
gentlemen to whom the king owed obligations for their aid in 
his restoration, among them being the Duke of Albemarle, and 
Ashley, Earl of Shaftesbury, a lawyer of large wealth and a zealous 


advocate of liberty. The grant being made, Berkeley was author- 
ized by the other lords proprietors to establish, under certain 
regulations, a government for the Plantations, which they now 
called Albemarle, in honor of the great duke. These regulations, 
as well as the proposals for new settlers in Carolina later promul- 
gated by the proprietors, breathed the spirit of freedom ; for, while 
the right to appoint the governor and to manage their property 
through minor officers was reserved to the proprietors, full control 
in the matter of taxation and in the expenditure of the public fund 
was accorded to an Assembly to be elected by all the inhabitants. 
Under such inducements additional settlers were constantly 
arriving in Albemarle, some of whom were men of substance, 
planters bringing with them slaves and white servants, and men 
of intelligence, education and social standing in their former 

Such was the beginning of the people of North Carolina — a 
few adventurous settlers who, indoctrinated in the principles of 
freedom and self-government, and imbued with a spirit of religious 
toleration, originally purchased their lands from the Indians, and 
lived on their plantations in amity with the aborigines of the 
neighboring forests. 

While the colony was still in its infancy, in 1669, a more 
elaborate system of government was prepared for Carolina by 
Shaftesbury and the celebrated philosopher, Locke, which, while it 
provided for a landed aristocracy composed of landgraves and 
caciques, by some other provisions, the result of Shaftesbury's 
experience during Cromwell's iron rule in England, laid still 
deeper the foundations of freedom in the colony. With one or two 
exceptions there were never any landgraves or nobles resident in 
North Carolina, and the aristocratic feature of the Fundamental 
Constitutions played no part in the course of events, while, on the 
other hand, the muniments of freedom embodied in that instrument 
subsequently became of vital interest to the people. 

Being under proprietary rule and not affiliated with the royal 
province of Virginia, and remote from any other settlement, the 
people of Albemarle, left largely to themselves, pursued their way 


in life with slight regard for laws not of their own making. They 
enjoyed practical independence, and when the occasion justified 
it they deposed their governors and banished them; and, indeed, 
for a number of years the administration was committed to the 
president of the council, a citizen chosen from among the chief 
men of the community. Under such influences freedom was 
fostered and personal independence was strengthened, while the 
vicissitudes of a forest life nurtured robust character and tended 
to vigorous physical development. Sequestered in their homes, 
with neither towns nor marts of commerce, in those early years 
the inhabitants did not enjoy the advantages of higher education 
nor frequent ministrations of religious worship ; but in 1672 Fox 
and Edmondson, those devoted founders of the Society of Friends, 
visited the settlement and instilled the precepts of their religion, 
which soon took deep root and became so widely spread that nearly 
one-half of the entire community embraced that gentle faith. 
There was also a constant influx of new settlers, and the planters 
held frequent communications with Boston and London and with 
their old homes, which had a tendency to sustain their religious 
creeds and to keep alive the embers of learning. 

Some fifty years after the first settlement there were small 
accessions of French, Swiss and Germans, who located on the 
Neuse and Trent ; and almost coincident with their coming, Han- 
cock's Indian war broke out, which, beginning with a fearful 
massacre and continuing in a desultory way for several years, left 
a deep mark on the life of the people. 

At length, in 1729, the king purchased the province of Carolina, 
except one share owned by Earl Granville, whose eighth part 
was laid off for him adjoining Virginia and north of a line running 
from Cape Hatteras through Bath and Smithfield, and extending 
westward along the southern limits of Chatham, Davidson and 
Rowan. Just prior to the purchase settlements were made on 
the Cape Fear, and thither came rich planters from Albemarle and 
South Carolina and Virginia, and men of education and culture 
from abroad, whose families imparted to the colony a social 
character not surpassed along the Atlantic slope. And when, in 


1735, Governor Johnston, a Scotchman, was appointed governor, 
large tracts aggregating more than a milHon acres of land were 
granted to Henry McCulloh and his associates, under whose 
auspices colonists from Ireland and some Swiss and Welsh settled 
on the upper waters of the northeast branch of the Cape Fear; 
while a little later many Highlanders migrated from Scotland and 
took possession of the northwest branch of the river, and a stream 
of population came from South Carolina up the banks of the 
Yadkin and located in that region. At the same time there was a 
constant overflow from Virginia into the counties along the north- 
ern border. 

But as interesting as these movements were, a still more 
important addition to the people of the province began about 1745, 
when two streams of immigrants came pouring in from Pennsyl- 
vania, bringing a very desirable population, and rapidly settling the 
western part of the province. One of these was composed of Irish 
Protestants originally from Ulster, the descendants of Scotch 
Presbyterians who had removed to the north of Ireland many years 
before, and the other of Lutherans and members of the German 
Reformed Church, who, having originally settled in Pennsyl- 
vania, now sought new plantations in the South. The wagon- 
trains of these immigrants coming from the far North passed 
through the valley of Virginia and entered North Carolina 
either on the road leading by the Old Red House, in Per- 
son County, or on the road by Mt. Airy and near Salem, 
and so to Salisbury. Thousands and thousands of these de- 
sirable citizens settled in the Piedmont region, especially on the 
waters of the Catawba, and even extended far into upper South 

In 1752 another interesting settlement was made at Salem by 
Moravians, who had procured grants for 100,000 acres of land, 
which they located in that vicinity. Thus there were to be found 
in the confines of the province considerable colonies of several 
distinct races, differing in manners and customs, as well as in 
language and modes of life. Indeed, in the Highland settlements 
it was long before the Gaelic tongue was entirely abandoned, and 


even in the memory of living persons it has sometimes been used in 
the pulpits of Robeson, Richmond and the adjoining counties. 
Further west, in Stanly and Catawba and through that region, the 
Germans retained for several generations their distinctive charac- 
teristics; and so, likewise, those traits which have ever distin- 
guished the persevering and God-fearing Scotch-Irish have been 
perpetuated among their descendants. All of these immigrants 
were of the Protestant faith, although differing more or less widely 
from the Church of England. They brought their ministers with 
them, and formed communities within themselves, practicing their 
virtues and developing their respective traits under favorable con- 
ditions in their new homes. Happy was it for them that fortune 
directed their footsteps to a country so blessed as the Piedmont 
region of Carolina; the mildness of its winters being in agree- 
able contrast with the rigor of Scotland and Ulster, and the 
brightness of its sunlight promoting an equanimity in unison 
with the temperate climate, and, life being without hardship, 
modifying and softening the rougher and fiercer elements of 
human nature. 

After tlje purchase of the province by the Crown, occasions 
arose when the spirit of freedom that had so long animated the 
people led to struggles for the maintenance of their rights. There 
were controversies between the royal governors and the inhabitants 
concerning the powers of government, the latter claiming rights 
under the old constitutions of the province which the Crown 
officers denied; and these differences in one form or another 
extended throughout the entire period of colonial history. Bur- 
rington, the first royal governor, sought in vain to procure a single 
enactment in conformity with his instructions, and he wrote to his 
superiors in England that "The inhabitants of North Carolina 
had always behaved insolently to their governors. Some they have 
imprisoned, drove others out of the country ; at other times set up 
two or three supported by men under arms, and that they were 
neither to be cajoled nor outwitted." His successor, Johnston, 
having obtained from the king the repeal of "the Biennial Act," 
under which the people in every second September, as a matter of 


right, elected their representatives, succeeded, after a bitter 
struggle of thirteen years, in making a compromise with the 
Assembly of some of the matters that were in dispute. 

A notable controversy, however, arose during his administra- 
tion over the right claimed by the old northern counties to have 
five representatives in the Assembly, which led to the withdrawal 
of those counties from any representation in the Assembly and 
their refusal to acknowledge the validity of the laws passed by 
that body, including the tax laws and the acts establishing the 
general courts; so that for a decade there was, in eflfect, an 
unarmed rebellion extending throughout the northern counties, a 
condition which continued until 1754, when the officers of the 
Crown finally determined that the claim of the northern counties 
was well founded and should be respected. 

Those proceedings well exemplify the resolute spirit of the 
people to maintain their just rights; nor were they disinclined 
to take up arms in a proper cause. In 1740 troops were needed 
for an expedition against the Spaniards to the southward, and 
Governor Johnston speedily raised 400 men for that service, and 
could have had a thousand more if the means for their main- 
tenance had sufficed. And when, later, the French and Indians 
invaded the northern colonies, North Carolina at once sent a 
regiment to aid in repelling them, and maintained several battalions 
at the North until the end of the war. 

Hardly had peace been declared with France when, to meet the 
expenditures of the war, the British Ministry proposed to tax the 
colonists — an innovation as unnecessary as it was illegal, for the 
colonies had always by their own action supplied the king accord- 
ing to their ability, whenever it was suggested that he was in 
need of money. This new measure, the Stamp Act, as it imposed 
taxation without representation, was destructive of the rights of 
freemen, and was resisted by all the colonies, but nowhere with 
more resolution than in North Carolina. 

The governor. Colonel Tryon, expecting the arrival of the 
stamps, brought all the gentlemen of the Cape Fear together at 
his residence and urged them to permit the law to be enforced 


in part, offering himself to pay for the necessary stamps if they 
would consent. But with firmness they replied that the law should 
not be at all observed within the colony, and he was notified by 
the speaker of the tlouse that it would be resisted unto death. 
Houston, the stamp-master, coming to Wilmington from his home 
in Duplin, was taken to the court-house and made to resign his 
office ; and even the landing of the stamps was prevented. How- 
ever, two vessels coming into the Cape Fear in January, 1766, 
were seized by the Crown officers because their papers were not 
duly stamped, and it was resolved by the people to secure their 
release and to prevent the operation of the act in any particular 
within the province. 

At once the people of Duplin, Onslow, Bladen, Brunswick and 
New Hanover embodied and assembled at Wilmington, where 
they entered into an association to unite and at every hazard of life 
and fortune to maintain their liberties. 

They chose the speaker of the House, John Ashe, and Alex- 
ander Lillington and Thomas Lloyd as their directors, to lead 
and direct them; and Colonel Hugh Waddell was appointed to 
command the forces, there being a thousand men armed and 
organized into companies ; and then the mayor and corporation of 
Wilmington, the three directors and the military marched down 
to old Brunswick, where the vessels were detained by two British 
sloops-of-war, and where the governor and the Crown officers 
resided, and with arms in their hands they forced the surrender 
of the vessels, and they also forcibly took the comptroller, Penning- 
ton, out of the governor's house, and made him swear never to 
execute the Stamp Act. 

While elsewhere a determination to forcibly resist this arbi- 
trary and oppressive measure was generally manifested, nowhere 
else in America was there established a directory, a temporary 
civil government, to guide the movement, nor was there elsewhere 
a military commander appointed to marshal and direct the forces 
in resisting the operation of the act. Had not the British sloops- 
of-war surrendered the merchant ships as demanded, a bloody 
conflict would have ensued, which probably would have precipi- 


tated those hostilities that a decade later led to the declaration 
of American independence. 

In considering this episode, we are not more impressed with 
the patriotic ardor of the inhabitants than with the system and 
orderly method pursued, by which the entire proceeding was com- 
mitted to the government of the speaker of the House and the 
two other directors associated with him. 

There had constantly been some friction between the agents 
of Granville, who controlled his possessions, covering the entire 
northern half of the province, and the people inhabiting that 
region, especially in the western or frontier part of it ; and in 
1766 Granville's land ofifice was closed and all sales of land entirely 
ceased, so that settlers could not obtain titles to the premises 
they had taken up. This, together with other grievances of a 
local nature and the unfortunate situation of the people in the 
far interior, having but few facilities for obtaining currency to 
pay taxes, rents or the fees of officers, who, moreover, were 
charged with practicing extortion, led to a condition of unrest 
and dissatisfaction that eventually culminated in a widespread 
movement known as the Regulation. 

It involved many of the inhabitants of the frontier counties, 
from South Carolina to Virginia. To bind the people to joint 
action, association papers were circulated and signed, by which 
they agreed to stand together and procure the redress of griev- 
ances. Originally beginning at Nut Bush, in Granville County, 
the association spread to the south and west until Sandy Creek, 
in Randolph County, became its chief center, while Anson and 
Rowan counties were largely affected. By 1771 the movement 
had spread eastward until apparently even the seacoast counties 
were about to embrace it. A counter-association was then devised 
by the governor, and the Regulators having embodied in large 
numbers, the militia of the province was called out to disperse 
them. The two forces came in collision at Alamance, and those 
of the government routed the malcontents. 

However this movement may be regarded, there is one aspect 
it must always bear : the people of the interior of North Carolina 


manifested by their action a spirit of freedom and a resolution to 
redress their grievances which cannot fail to appeal strongly to 
the sympathies of all patriots. 

Hardly had the province become quiet after that unfortunate 
afifair before there was another clash between the divergent 
interests of the mother country and the colonists, during the course 
of which the resolutions and representations, forming what are 
termed State papers, promulgated on behalf of North Carolina, 
reflected the highest credit on the province because of the ability 
and intelligence with which they were prepared. The design to 
tax the colonies, although apparently abandoned in 1766, was 
again revived, and in view of possible resistance it was enacted 
that persons charged with obstructing officers should be trans- 
ported to England for trial; and, there being some troubles at 
Boston, the charter of Massachusetts was virtually annulled and 
the port of Boston was closed. Indeed, the British Government 
claimed the right of annulling the charters and the constitutions 
of all the colonies; and, as if to indicate the British idea of a 
proper colonial constitution, ordained one for the province of 
Canada, in which the people were denied the right of participating, 
the power of legislation being vested exclusively in a council 
appointed by the Crown. 

These proceedings led to the wildest excitement, and pre- 
cipitated a crisis that brought the people to the resolute pur- 
pose of firm resistance. While sending shiploads of provisions 
to succor the poor people of Boston, the inhabitants of North 
Carolina, careful of themselves, elected a Provincial Congress 
to direct their affairs, that being an unconstitutional body, un- 
known to the laws and not under the power of the governor 
to prorogue or dissolve it. It met in August, 1774, and at 
once established a system of committees of safety throughout the 

Now the time was approaching when the manhood of the 
people was to be subjected to the crucial ordeal. They were 
brought face to face with the question. Would they fight for their 
liberties or submit to the government, trusting to the fairness 


and sense of justice of their fellow-subjects of Great Britain? It 
was a momentous issue, involving their lives and their fortunes, 
and the degradation of a traitor's doom in case of defeat ; and of 
these pains and penalties and of the doubtful result of the contest 
the people of North Carolina were fully aware. 

During all this time population had continued to pour into 
the western counties, and there were many settlements of Luther- 
ans with their ministers, and Scotch-Irish with their Presbyterian 
pastors, who had established local schools and had fostered educa- 
tion, religion and morality, as well as the principles of liberty, in 
their forest homes. Particularly was this so in the region watered 
by the Catawba, while in that near Sandy Creek were considerable 
bodies of Baptists, ever zealous for liberty, and further east there 
had been large accessions to the Highlanders. 

There were several reasons that led the Highlanders to refrain 
from antagonizing the established government, for they had taken 
a strong and binding oath that forbade them to engage in insurrec- 
tion; so also many of the Regulators had, after the battle of 
Alamance, been required to make a solemn oath that they would 
obey the laws, and this oath and the recollection that it was the 
Eastern militia who defeated them in 1771 now controlled their 
action; but apart from these two classes the general sentiment in 
North Carolina was strong for resistance to the arbitrary measures 
of the British Government. Especially was this spirit manifested 
in Mecklenburg, where the Committee of Safety, on the 20th of 
May, 1775, adopted resolutions declaring independence, and eleven 
days later set up a local government to take the place of the one 
supplanted; and about the same time association papers were 
signed throughout all the counties, pledging the inhabitants to 
unite and co-operate to the last extremity for the purpose of 
securing their liberties. 

It was not long before the people were put to the test as to 
what venture they would make to sustain their resolves. The 
determined action of Abner Nash and his associates at New-Bern 
led to the precipitate flight of the royal governor. Colonel Martin, 
from his palace to Fort Johnston, at the mouth of the Cape Fear, 


and there he began to perfect designs for the subjugation of the 
province by a large British army in co-operation with the High- 
landers and Regulators of the interior. To prevent the use of 
the fort as the nucleus of such a hostile force a military detach- 
ment, organized by John Ashe, destroyed it and compelled the 
governor to take refuge on his sloop-of-war in the harbor. In 
February, when the British fleet was expected, the Highlanders 
and Regulators assembled at Cambelton, and Colonel James 
Moore, in command of the provincial forces, stood ready to dis- 
pute their progress. A large body of Regulators, however, 
changed minds, and, refusing to act further in behalf of the 
British, returned to their homes ; but the Highlanders, hoping to 
evade Colonel Moore, pressed on by another route toward Wil- 
mington, where they were to join the British forces. On the way, 
at Moore's Creek, they encountered the minute men of that 
district under Lillington, who had been reinforced by those of the 
New-Bern district under Caswell, while Thackston's batallion 
from the western counties was fast closing in on their rear. In 
the conflict that ensued the Highlanders were defeated, routed and 
dispersed, and subsequently they showed but little disposition to 
antagonize the other inhabitants of the province. 

Six thousand British regulars now arrived in the lower harbor, 
but the designs of Governor Martin had been frustrated. The 
Provincial Congress being in session, steps had been taken to 
meet the imminent danger. With great alacrity the minute men 
and militia responded to the call to arms, and more than 9000 
men, organized, officered and equipped, stood ready, under the 
command of General Ashe, to meet any advance of the British 
forces, who, however, disappointed at the defeat of their loyal 
friends, soon sailed away to attack Fort Moultrie at Charleston, 
where several North Carolina regiments, hurrying overland, 
arrived in time to aid in their utter discomfiture. 

It was during the time when this large British army, with 
its vast fleet of ships, lay in the Cape Fear, threatening the province 
with invasion and subjugation, that the stalwart statesmen of 
North Carolina, with a boldness and fortitude that should be ever 


memorable, made the first authoritative utterance for separation 
and independence. On April 12, 1776, they unanimously directed 
their delegates in the Continental Congress to concur in declaring 
independence and in making foreign alliances — steps which, once 
taken, left no bridge unburnt behind them. 

Truly it is to be said that no people were more forward, more 
pronounced, bolder or more resolute than the inhabitants of 
North Carolina in all measures and actions relating to the cause 
of American independence. Having determined to sever their 
connection with the British Empire, with order and system they 
proceeded, step by step, after the original call for their Provincial 
Congress in 1774, until they adopted a State constitution, estab- 
lishing a permanent government adapted in its various provisions 
to the requirements of a free and independent people. During the 
long struggle that ensued the patriotism of her people and their 
courage and constancy were equalled only by their wisdom, fore- 
sight and energy. They not only sought to develop local manu- 
factures, but the State, as well as the citizens, engaged in foreign 
trade to obtain needed supplies for the army and the people. 
When Washington's ragged regiments were suffering such hard- 
ships during the terrible winter of 1777 at Valley Forge, it was 
the supplies brought in by North Carolina and stored at South 
Quay that relieved their necessities, and cannon and clothing and 
munitions of war were successfully imported in large quantities. 
Her continental brigades, after aiding in the defense of South 
Carolina, served with Washington in New York, fought in Penn- 
sylvania, and later were surrendered by Lincoln at the fall of 
Charleston. An army subsequently raised by the State was sacri- 
ficed at Camden by the indiscretion of Gates ; but when Cornwallis 
took post at Charlotte he was so hedged in by the gallant patriot 
bands of that region that, upon the destruction of Ferguson and 
his corps at King's Mountain, through the intelligent and coura- 
geous action of the people themselves, not under the direction of 
any continental authority, that able British commander precipi- 
tately withdrew his army from North Carolina soil. 

Later, Cornwallis made his famous march through the State, 


seeking to overtake Greene and rescue the British prisoners 
captured at the battle of Cowpens ; faihng in his object, he accepted 
battle at Guilford Court House, where his army sufifered so 
heavily that he retired from North Carolina and marched to 
Virginia with the purpose of joining the British forces there, a 
movement that led to his eventual surrender at Yorktown. 

During all this period of doubtful war it is to be remarked 
that no North Carolinian who enrolled himself beneath the banner 
of his country ever fell away from the cause. Among the High- 
landers and Regulators and along the counties bordering on 
South Carolina, as well as in some parts of Rowan, there were 
many disaffected from the inception of the .struggle ; but of the 
original patriot bands there was never a single member to renounce 
his faith in independence or to slacken in his devotion to his 
country. The more doubtful the contest became, the deeper the 
clouds that obscured the sky, the higher rose their courage and 
the more resolute was their purpose to persevere and maintain 
the struggle, even though they should be driven from their homes 
and expelled into the forests far beyond the mountains. 

A record so bright is a glorious heritage of the people; and, 
indeed, such is the ancestry of the men of mark of North Carolina 
that they can proudly boast of their patriotic lineage. 

From father to son the traits of the early settlers have been 
perpetuated, somewhat modified, perhaps, by their surroundings 
and deepened by a virtuous life in the seclusion of their woodland 
homes, for our men ot mark are entirely the product of North 
Carolina and North Carolina influences. 

In the tide-water district and eastern section, where the Eng- 
lish predominated, and where, in the lowlands, negro labor found 
its most profitable employment, the people enjoyed large facilities 
of transportation, and trade thrived and wealth was amassed. But 
in the interior, for many years, facilities for marketing farm 
products were lacking ; and, notwithstanding the thrift and energy 
of the inhabitants, their chief accumulations were in the enhanced 
value of their lands and the increase of their slaves. But if the 
location was not favorable for the accumulation of wealth, it 


developed habits of self-reliance and a love of liberty and demo- 
cratic tendencies not exceeded elsewhere in the colony. The 
attachment to freedom that had from the beginning been infused 
among the inhabitants was indeed so strongly tinctured with demo- 
cratic principles that even in colonial days Governor Dobbs repre- 
sented to his superiors in England that republicanism was more 
rife in North Carolina than in any other province. And indeed 
no aristocratic tendencies were ever manifested by the inhabitants, 
for while there were families that for several generations exercised 
great influence and measurably controlled public affairs, they were 
adherents of the popular party and were distinguished for their 
devotion to popular rights and democratic principles ; and, always, 
men sprung from the humbler walks of life were able through their 
personal merit to attain the highest positions under government. 
Nowhere else in America has there been less influence accorded to 
social station and to large wealth than among the democratic 
people of North Carolina, yet learning, capacity and ability have 
never been ignored. Indeed, North Carolina can proudly recall the 
distinguished merit of the great men who have adorned her annals 
and have added luster to her fame. She has ever been prolific of 
strong characters, and in colonial times as well as in the Revolu- 
tionary period her sons were wise in counsel and resolute in action. 
At the establishment of the Federal Constitution they rendered 
important services, first in aiding to secure the equality of the 
States in the Senate, and later in obtaining additional amend- 
ments that were safeguards to the rights of the citizens. 

Although her policy has ever been one of economy rather than 
of extravagant expenditure, yet, despite the scarcity of money 
among the inhabitants, the State in 1818 gave an order to Canova 
for a statue of Washington, to adorn the Capitol at Raleigh, with- 
out limitation as to cost; and until its destruction by fire North 
Carolina possessed the most imposing statue of the Father of his 
Country that ever was made. And about the same time the legis- 
lature employed in England a civil engineer of high reputation, at 
a large salary, to construct canals and to improve the waterways 
of the State; and when in 1835 a new Capitol was to be built, it 


provided for the erection of the finest public building at that time 
in America. With the incoming of railroads, the longest road in 
the world was built between Wilmington and Weldon, and the 
Raleigh and Gaston Railroad was, without regard to cost, hurried 
to completion. 

From an early period her judges have ever maintained a high 
reputation, not merely for learning, but for integrity and impartial 
administration of justice. The names of Taylor, Henderson, Hall, 
Gaston, Daniel, Ruffin, Nash, Pearson, Manly, Battle, and their 
successors on the Supreme bench, make a roll worthy of any 
commonwealth ; while North Carolina's representatives in national 
affairs — Iredell, Johnston, Macon, McKay, Strange, Henderson, 
Graham, Branch, Badger, Bragg, Dobbin, Mangum, Clingman, 
and a host of others^-form a galaxy of brilliant stars that will ever 
guide North Carolinians in the paths of honor and admirable 

At home the press has employed the best powers of some of 
her first citizens, among the most eminent of the editors being 
Gales and Boylan, at Raleigh; Hale, at Fayetteville ; Fulton, at 
Wilmington, and later Englehard and Saunders and Peter M. Hale 
and others of superior merit ; while for a fearless use of the power 
of the press at a time of great peril the name of Josiah Turner will 
forever be remembered. 

For many years the western counties suffered greatly for the 
want of trade facilities, and there was an antagonism between the 
west and east over the matter of taxation and of unequal repre- 
sentation in the Assembly. To correct these inequalities, western 
statesmen urged the establishment of new counties in that section, 
which would give them additional representation in the Assembly, 
and would enable them to call a convention that would alter the 
constitution conformably tn their desires. For a generation this 
was a cause of difference between the sections, until at length, by 
the aid of a few eastern votes, the west obtained its wish, and the 
convention of 1835 met and made changes in the constitution 
which were considered so sectional that when submitted to the 
people they did not receive in some of the eastern counties a single 


vote, while in some of the counties of the west not a single vote was 
cast against their ratification. But constitutional changes could 
not of themselves eradicate disadvantages incident to the remote 
location of the western counties and their distance from the marts 
of trade. The causes that had closed the avenues to opulence con- 
tinued to exist, and the condition of the interior remained unfortu- 
nate until the North Carolina Railroad, chartered in 1848, was 
completed, affording to that region needed facilities for transporta- 
tion and development. 

Then ensued a period which has well been likened to the Golden 
Age, when the divergent interests of the sections were harmonized 
and the whole State unified and progress was made in every line, 
adding to the strength and importance of the commonwealth. 

The stream of emigrants which since the Revolution had passed 
out of the borders of North Carolina, first to the choice lands 
of Tennessee and then to the Western country from Indiana to 
Texas, measurably ceased. Education was greatly fostered, the 
public school system of the State being one of the best and most 
efficient in the entire Union, and many superior academies were 
established in every section. Agriculture prospered, wealth accu- 
mulated, and the people, deeply imbued with the softening 
influences of true religion, were virtuous, contented and happy. 
But this period, remarkable for its progress and notable advance- 
ment, was brought to a close by the unhappy sectional differences 
between the North and South and the great war between the 
States. In the progress of that fierce struggle the men of North 
Carolina gave to the world an example of heroism and fortitude, 
no less than of statesmanship, prudence and sagacity. 

At the call to arms her young men, practiced only in the arts 
of peace, abandoned their farms and sought the training camps 
and soon became invincible soldiers. 

With a total white population of 629,942, and with only 
110,085 white men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five 
years, North Carolina enrolled 125,000 Confederate soldiers, ac- 
cording to the report of her adjutant-general made in November, 
1864. Her total losses from all causes, as compiled from the Con- 


federate archives at Washington,, were 40,275. Her losses in the 
great battles in Virginia were generally between one-fourth and 
one-third of the entire Confederate loss, and in many battles the 
heaviest loss suffered was by some North Carolina regiment, while 
at Gettysburg, where thousands of her sons fell upon the field and 
her soldiers fought so courageously, the Twenty-sixth North Caro- 
lina Regiment gained the distinction of having suffered the 
heaviest loss sustained by any regiment during the entire war. 
True it is that North Carolinians were not surpassed by any of 
their brave companions in arms in gallantry on the field of battle, 
and by their courage and endurance they contributed largely to 
winning those victories which brought imperishable renown to 
Stonewall Jackson and the immortal Lee, and which made the 
army of Northern Virginia the most glorious army in the annals 
of war ; and as splendid as was their record, that of the statesmen 
at home was equally magnificent. With great sagacity the State 
purchased abroad and brought through the blockade immense 
stores of clothing and supplies, not only for her soldiers, but for 
her people on the farms, which in some measure mitigated their 
sufferings and enabled them with a more resolute spirit to with- 
stand the privations occasioned by the ravages of war. The con- 
tributions of North Carolina to the Confederate cause, in men, 
means and influences, were of the highest consequence, and were 
not equaled by those of any other State in the Confederacy. 

Finally the end came, involving the South in utter ruin, and 
ten years elapsed before conditions were again propitious for a 
new period of prosperity. But at the close of Governor Jarvis's 
administration, in 1884, there was held a State exhibition, which 
lasted about a month, and which gave many evidences that the 
people were once more happily realizing the fruits of their labors, 
and since that time the progress of the people has been an unfailing 
source of gratification. Not only has agriculture been greatly im- 
proved, but the forests and mines have likewise yielded wealth to 
the people, and the banking interests and railroad development 
have exceeded the most sanguine expectations. But more than all, 
attention being turned to manufacturing, the erection of cotton 


and other mills has proceeded with a rapidity unparalleled in any 
other State in the Union. The water-powers of our streams are 
no longer disregarded, but factories dot the banks of the rivers 
and abound along the railroad routes. Starting in 1875 with 
31 cotton mills, North Carolina in 1903 could boast of 236, and she 
increased her spindles from 54,500 to 1,800,000, and her looms 
from 14,428 to 530,000. In twenty-eight years she has multiplied 
her cotton industry thirty-three times. 

Such an industrial development has never been witnessed in 
any other community. But as gratifying as are these evidences 
of the thrift and energy and prosperity of the brave old Confed- 
erate soldiers and their worthy sons, one finds still greater cause 
for satisfaction in the steady progress made in intellectual and 
moral development. In religion, while all denominations have 
prospered, the expansion and growth of the Methodists and 
Baptists have been phenomenal, and even the most remote neigh- 
borhoods have their regular ministrations. 

The educational movement in North Carolina has been pressed 
onward with great vigor ; the public schools are on a firm and sub- 
stantial footing, while the university, the State colleges. Wake 
Forest, Trinity, Davidson, Guilford, Elon, and many other superior 
institutions of learning are ornaments of the State and the pride 
of the people. Indeed, it is thought that no State is doing more 
for public schools according to its means and financial ability than 
the State of North Carolina. In the year ending June 30, 1903, 
for every one hundred dollars of property, actual cash value, in 
the State, the people spent half a dollar on their public schools, 
and it is thought that no other State in the Union is making an 
equal effort for public education. Temperance is practiced, moral- 
ity strengthened, and religious devotion manifests itself not only 
in church edifices and large contributions, but in deeds of charity 
that gladden the hearts of orphans and bring consolation to the 
desolate. Such has been the result of the labors of the men of 
mark in North Carolina. 

But while with courageous hearts they vigorously pressed for- 
ward the work of material and moral as well as educational 


development, they have ever been conservative in their ideas and 
in their poHtical action. Reared in communities where from 
generation to generation their forefathers lived, and surrounded 
by their kindred and hereditary friends, they have adhered to the 
old paths in the principles of government and to the old ideas of 
social ethics. Thus, if they illustrate the virtues of an enlightened 
democracy and the energies of a robust citizenship, they also repre- 
sent that constancy and conservatism which would be the sheet- 
anchor of our country were political storms ever to arise threaten- 
ing the stability of our beneficent institutions. 


'ROM the establishment of the Union until 1824, 
a period of thirty-six years, with the single 
exception of the term from 1797 to 1801, all 
the Presidents were citizens of Virginia and 
Southern influences dominated public affairs, 
much to the dissatisfaction of New England, 
whose statesmen were thus foiled in the gratification of their 

As slavery constituted the important difference between the 
sections, there sprang up at the North a strong desire to restrict 
its spread, with the view of obtaining a preponderating influence 
for the Northern States; and about 1833 this sectional purpose 
was strengthened by the dissemination of abolition views, to which 
British agitators and missionary orators actively and largely con- 

About 1794 two parties arose in the Union, but as the result 
of the unpatriotic course of the New England Federal leaders 
during the War of 1812, the Federal Party gradually disappeared, 
and there was but one party until 1831, when Henry Clay, who 
had been a leading Republican, was nominated for the Presidency 
at a convention of National Republicans in opposition to the 
administration Republicans ; and later his followers took the name 
of Whigs, his opponents calling themselves Democratic Repub- 
licans, or Democrats. 


In 1850, when the territory acquired as a result of the war 
with Mexico was being dealt with by Congress, those who favored 
the restriction of slavery were so aggressive that a crisis arose, 
and Southern statesmen asserted a purpose to secede from the 
Union if an amicable settlement should not be agreed on. Sec- 
tional feeling, which had existed for many years, now became 
intense, and secession, which had been an accepted doctrine of 
State's rights from the beginning of the government, was largely 
regarded at the South as a legitimate and proper remedy for 
the Southern States. To preserve the Union, Mr. Clay at that 
time proposed a compromise, which successfully passed Congress, 
although bitterly opposed by determined sectionalists, both from 
the North and from the South. In the House the compromise 
received 109 votes against 97 in opposition. Twenty-nine South- 
ern Democrats opposed it as not being satisfactory for Southern 
interests ; while every Southern Whig but one voted for it. Seven- 
teen Northern Democrats and fifty Northern Whigs voted against 
it, because they were free soilers and restrictionists and were 
unwilling to compromise with the slave power; while thirty-two 
Northern Democrats and twenty-four Northern Whigs sup- 
ported it. 

Although that compromise tided over the particular occasion, 
the drift of sentiment manifested by the sectional character of 
the vote boded renewed trouble. The vote showed the tendency 
of both parties at the North to free-soilism, and particularly indi- 
cated that the Northern Whigs adhered to that policy or principle 
as being superior to the peace of the Union. Indeed, so rapid was 
the free-soil movement among the Northern Whigs that a few 
years later the Whig Party broke up and disappeared, many 
of Ihe Southern Whigs becoming fierce Southern Democrats, and 
many of the Northern Whigs, along with some Northern Demo- 
crats, uniting with the Abolitionists to form what was known 
as the Black Republican Party. 

About the time of the disappearance of the Whig Party, there 
arose what was called the American or Know-Nothing Party, 
which lasted one campaign only. 


By i860, through immigration, the North had grown very 
strong and powerful, and the anti-slavery sentiment predominated 
throughout the Northern States, although generally it was held 
that as slavery was a domestic institution of the individual States, 
it could not be interfered with or abolished by the Federal Gov- 
ernment. The Democratic Party was the most numerous, and 
was apparently securely entrenched in power. At that time 
Stephen A. Douglas was the great Democratic leader at the North 
and Northwest, and his admirers desired his nomination for the 
Presidency. But at the National Democratic Convention there 
was a divergence between Mr. Douglas's Northern friends and 
the Southern Democrats, which resulted in a split and the pres- 
entation of two Democratic Presidential tickets. The sectional 
situation was so acute that many of the old Whigs presented a 
third ticket, representing what was called the Constitutional 
Union Party, the candidates being Bell and Everett, while the 
Republicans nominated Abraham Lincoln, who was elected. The 
cornerstone of the Republican Party was hostility to slavery. It 
was asserted by their leaders that there was an irrepressible con- 
flict between free and slave labor, and that the Union could not 
exist half free and half slave, and some of the extremists 
denounced the Constitution as a covenant with death and a league 
with hell, and this sentiment largely prevailed among the masses 
of that party. The progress made in these Republican tenets 
left no room to doubt that within the Union slavery would eventu- 
ally be interfered with by the Federal Government, despite the 
Constitutional safeguards which were intended to protect the 
domestic institutions of the separate States. Shortly after the 
election of Mr. Lincoln, several of the Southern States at once 
passed ordinances of secession. The border States and North 
Carolina were not so precipitate. Virginia asked for a peace 
conference, which met at Washington City on February 4, 1861, 
the same day that the temporary government of the Confederate 
States was formed at Montgomery. The seceded States were 
not represented, but delegates were present from the Northern 
States, and indeed all the States of the Union except those on 


the Pacific and two or three Western States. Concihatory meas- 
ures were proposed and were adopted by the conference, ahhough 
not acceptable to the North CaroHna delegates; but as mild as 
they were, the Republicans in Congress did not consider them. 
Mr. Lincoln and his friends would make no effort to quiet the 
storm that the success of their sectional party had raised. 

In North Carolina, as the situation was entirely novel, so there 
were several points of view. At the Presidential election, Breck- 
inridge had received 48,500 votes. Bell 45,000 and Douglas 2700, 
and the disposition of the people was somewhat indicated by 
their votes ; but the election of Mr. Lincoln on the one hand, and 
the hasty secession of the cotton States on the other hand, became 
new elements, making the crisis sharp and intense. Ultra South- 
ern men, embracing many who had been old Whigs, as well as 
many who had been Democrats, favored standing with the Gulf 
States and immediate secession ; while others of both the old parties 
deemed the election of Mr. Lincoln not a sufficient cause to rush 
into a disruption of the Union. Still, generally, it was considered 
that the Union had originally been formed to secure the rights 
of the people and of the State, and that the preservation of these 
rights was a matter of the first importance, superior to the main- 
tenance and perpetuity of the Union. There were some, however, 
who held the contrary view, — that the Union was a matter of the 
first consideration and the rights of the people were subordinate 
to that; while others felt that any effort to escape by an attempt 
at withdrawal from the Union would be futile and would end in 
disaster. The larger part of the people deemed it best at that 
time to pursue what was called the "Watch and Wait" policy, 
and were opposed to hasty action. In the legislature, which met 
as usual in November, this sentiment prevailed. A bill to call 
a convention was introduced on December 21st. After a month's 
delay, early in February, through the strenuous efforts of Judge 
Samuel J. Person, W. W. Avery, Victor C. Barringer, and others, 
a bill was passed for the election of delegates to a convention, with 
a provision annexed, that each voter should also, at the same time, 
cast a ballot for or against holding the said convention, and that 


the popular will should determine the question. By a few hun- 
dred votes the people refused to call a convention at that time. 
Feeling ran very high, and there was much bitterness between the 
contending factions. The secessionists were stigmatized as 
traitors and disunionists, while those who still adhered to the 
Union were denounced as submissionists and otherwise subjected 
to personal opprobrium. 

At length, early in April, a month after Mr. Lincoln was 
inaugurated, the Washington administration was influenced by 
the governors of some of the Northern States, that had for the 
first time elected Republican governors, to determine on war, 
and it skilfully brought about such conditions as led to the bom- 
bardment of Fort Sumter, which greatly inflamed the Northern 
people, uniting them in the purpose of defending the flag of the 
Union. Seizing on the opportune occasion, Mr. Lincoln called 
for 75,000 troops, requiring North Carolina and the other States 
to furnish the quotas assigned them, for the purpose of coercing 
the seceded States. These events made it clear that there was 
left to North Carolina only the choice as to which side in the 
war she would espouse, whether her people would fight for or 
against the seceded States. The effect was electrical. All differ- 
ences among the people vanished. How quick and thorough was 
the change is well illustrated by the following statement made by 
the Hon. George Howard, who was a Superior Court judge: 
"On Monday, April 12, 1861, I held court in Danbury, Thomas 
Settle solicitor. Messrs. J. M. Leach and Settle asked the use 
of the court-room for political speaking — both were Whigs seek- 
ing the congressional nomination by appeals to the Union senti- 
ment of the district. I granted their request. After reaching 
the hotel, A. M. Scales and Robert McLean came over and 
remarked, that if they believed the rumor they had heard, that 
Fort Sumter had been fired on, they would reply to Leach and 
Settle, and asked me what I thought of it. I told them whether 
true or not something of like character would soon occur. They 
returned to the court-house, and soon I was informed that they 
and Hon. J. D. Gilmer had concluded to speak. All spoke 


Leach, Settle and Gilmer as Union Whigs, Scales and McLean 
as State's Rights Democrats. Court adjourned in a few days 
and I left Danbury in a buggy with Settle for his home — the 
road passing near but not through Madison. As we approached 
Madison, chatting pleasantly, suddenly Settle sprang up and, peer- 
ing into the distance, exclaimed: 'What's that?' I looked and 
could just distinguish a flag floating from a building in Madison. 
Settle in a highly excited tone said : 'It is a secession flag — some- 
thing has happened — Madison has been a strong Union town.' 
Just then we saw several persons riding toward us. Settle hailed 
a gentleman on horseback reading a newspaper, asking, 'What's 
the matter?' Promptly came the answer, 'Haven't you heard 
the news ? Sumter attacked. Lincoln has called for 75,000 troops. 
Everybody is for war. Governor Reid is speaking at Madison 
— volunteers are enlisting.' Settle, turning to me, said: 'I must 
go to Madison and get right.' I objected, telling him he needn't 
hurry, there would be both time and occasion. He insisted. At 
last we agreed to go, he to speak five minutes and then go on. As 
we drove up, we could hear Governor Reid in the upper room of 
the building, while about the door at the ground entrance there 
was quite a crowd. As soon as we came up. Settle sprang up, 
and waving his hand aloft, cried out: 'I was all wrong, I was 
all wrong — you are all right, you are all right ;' and leaping from 
the buggy, he mounted one of the buttresses to the doorway, and 
until I called 'Time up,' poured forth a most passionate appeal 
'for every man to stand by the South.' We then went on to 
his home. While en route, he said he must resign his office and 
go into the war. I pressed him not to do so until the end of the 
circuit; but he would listen to no delay, insisting that he must 
resign, and soliciting the appointment of Hon. John Kerr. The 
next Monday at Rockingham, soon after court met, the sound 
of fife and drum was heard from several directions, and soon 
there marched into Wentworth about one hundred and fifty volun- 
teers. At recess I noticed both Scales and Settle in the ranks. 
An amusing incident occurred. A Mexican war veteran, one Han- 
cock, was commanding. As he faced the long line, he called out. 


'Right face.' Every one faced right, save Scales and Settle, and 
both of them faced about. Thereupon two companies were formed 
and Scales and Settle were elected captains. In a week or two I 
returned to Greensboro. As I was passing the residence of 
Hon. J. D. Gilmer, he called to me, and, coming out to the buggy, 
said with deep emotion : 'On my return home, I found that the 
very hour when I was speaking in Danbury, my son was donning 
his uniform and hastening away to Fort Macon. We are all one 
now.' " 

The Grahams, Gilmers, Vances, and other strenuous opponents 
of secession hastened to seize arms and march to the front. Com- 
panies were formed all over the State, and the forts were seized 
and held for the State, and Governor Ellis convened the legisla- 
ture in special session; and on May 1st a convention was called 
to meet on May 20th. Every member of the convention favored 
an immediate and irrevocable withdrawal from the Union. 
Mr. Badger and forty other members of the body preferred to 
base their action on the right of the people to change their govern- 
ment by revolution, as the colonists did in 1775, and which no 
American patriot ever denied; but a majority of the convention 
deemed it best to assert that the sovereign State of North Caro- 
lina had an inherent sovereign right to withdraw from the Union 
of States. While Mr. Badger did not vote on the question of 
adopting the secession ordinance, he and every other member 
signed it. The die being cast, all now vied in patriotic endeavors 
to maintain the war for Southern independence. 

Necessarily the party lines that had divided the people while 
citizens of the United States disappeared when they ceased to be 
citizens of that country ; and all being enlisted in a great common 
work, new parties did not arise. Yet former associations had 
their natural influence. Those who for years had admired and 
loved Graham and Vance still admired and loved them, and so 
those who followed Jefferson Davis and Governor Bragg still 
trusted them above all others. When the convention that was 
elected in May, 1861, proposed to choose delegates to represent 
the State in the Confederate Congress, the former Whigs or 


Union men held a caucus and determined on their candidates, and 
notwithstanding they were in the minority, some of their candi- 
dates were elected. From their standpoint, Mr. Davis, the Con- 
federate president, and the Democratic governor of the State, 
were too partial to the original secessionists, and resolutions 
aimed at that alleged party spirit were introduced in the conven- 
tion, but by a close vote were laid on the table. There were other 
evidences of divergences in the convention, but the purpose to 
stand together for the war was manifest. Even on the last day 
of the fourth and final session of the convention. May 13, 1862, 
W. W. Holden, a delegate from Wake County, introduced a reso- 
lution that passed unanimously, thanking the ladies of the State 
for their patriotic ardor in the prosecution of the war. 

On the death of Governor Ellis on July 7, 1861, Henry T. 
Clark, Speaker of the Senate, became ex-oificio governor until a 
successor was elected and qualified. The election was to be held 
in August, 1862, and the convention directed that the new gov- 
ernor should be inaugurated on the 7th of September. Some of 
the friends of Colonel William Johnston met at Charlotte and 
presented him as a candidate for governor; while some of the 
friends of Colonel Z. B. Vance, then a gallant and admired sol- 
dier serving in Virginia, presented his name, and meetings were 
held in many counties recommending his election. There was no 
State convention held by the adherents of either. Vance was 
generally regarded as the soldiers' candidate, and there were some 
75,000 North Carolina soldiers at that time, and Vance was 
elected, and was inaugurated early in September. He at once 
made many changes in the State administration. 

In the Assembly many new names appeared, and the majority 
of that body were not in accord with the Confederate adminis- 
tration. W. W. Holden, who had for many years been the editor 
of the principal Democratic paper in the State, had become dis- 
appointed at not receiving high rewards from his party. He had 
been instrumental in securing the adoption of free suflfrage by 
his party in 1852, and in 1859, when a movement was made to 
alter the method of taxation, by which negroes should be taxed 


at their value, the Standard, Holden's paper, strongly advocated 
it, but his party did not follow him, while the Whigs made it a 
part of their platform. In i860, Mr. Holden hoped to be nom- 
inated by the Democrats for governor, but was beaten by Gov- 
ernor Ellis. In the campaign he did not advocate the Democratic 
platform; and in the Presidential election he favored Stephen 
A. Douglas. Under those circumstances, the legislature of i860, 
which was Democratic, did not elect him public printer, but 
showed that favor to John Spellman, who about that time started 
the State Journal. Mr. Holden was, however, very fierce after 
the election of Lincoln as President and oflfered a reward in his 
paper to those who would plot for Lincoln's head. His diver- 
gences from the Democratic leaders, however, led to criticisms 
and to such a tone in the conduct of his paper as to foster dis- 
satisfaction and desertion among the soldiers in the field. When 
the legislature assembled in November, 1862, its tone was mani- 
fest by the election of Holden as public printer; and Governor 
Vance informed President Davis, in October, 1862, that "the 
late election shows conclusively that the original advocates of 
secession no longer hold the ear of the people; and that without 
the influence of the old Union men, the present status could not 
be maintained forty-eight hours." The spirit of faction now 
indeed made itself manifest. Step by step, the Standard proceeded 
to dissipate the hold which the Confederate Government had on 
the affections of the people, and a majority of the legislature pur- 
sued the same course. At length, the antagonism toward the 
Confederate Government by this faction became so extreme that 
to arrest it, on the 12th day of August, 1863, a great soldiers' 
convention was held by delegates from each regiment of troops 
from North Carolina in the army of Northern Virginia. The 
convention met at Orange Court House and appointed a com- 
mittee to prepare an address to the people of North Carolina, 
which shortly afterward was published. In their address they 
say: "That there is an Union feeling proper among her people 
we cannot believe; on the contrary, there is, we believe, a very 
unanimous sentiment of hostility to any settlement of our diifi- 


culties, except upon terms that shall secure to us independence and 
peace upon a lasting basis. But while this is our belief, we can- 
not shut our eyes to the conviction that there are parties in our 
State who are endeavoring to combine certain elements of dis- 
content and party feeling into a faction, to make war for an 
unholy purpose upon the authorities, bringing the righteous cause 
in which we are engaged into disrepute among our people, and to 
thwart the designs of patriotic men in their labors for the public 
good. The sentiments of the parties referred to find utterance 
principally through the columns of the Raleigh Standard. 'Move- 
ments for peace' have been proposed in North Carolina, taking 
the shape generally of a proposition to hold a convention of the 
people of the South, inviting similar conventions of the 
people of the North, to meet them for an adjustment of our diffi- 
culties." The address speaks of these measures as "the prompt- 
ings of a discontented and despondent spirit, if not of actual 
treason and disloyalty." "All men must be held morally and 
legally to intend the natural and necessary consequences of their 
acts; and if this be so, the conclusion is irresistible, that when 
these men are called tipon to render support to the cause of their 
country and they refused to do so, but threatened violent resist- 
ance to the law, they are prepared for submission and for reunion. 
Nor does it matter whether they avow these sentiments or deny 
them, if they are prepared for resistance to the law, the most 
essential to the defense of the country, does not their conduct 
lead directly to this result? It would be unwise, as it would be 
unjust, to attempt to magnify the importance of these manifesta- 
tions of disloyalty; but they cannot be without evil tendency in 
encouraging our soldiers to desert their colors and abandon their 
comrades, in repressing their ardor, in sowing the seeds of dis- 
trust and despondency among the people of our sister States, and 
in encouraging the enemy to persist in his designs of conquest, 
prolonging thereby the horrors and distresses of the war. Be- 
yond this, it is possible that the conduct of these men may bring 
on us a calamity to be deplored even by themselves. It is not 
impossible that these men should succeed in lighting the blaze of 


intestine civil war in our own State." The address then urged 
the quieting of factions and renewed devotion to the Confederate 
cause. It was probably not without some effect, but the faction 
still persisted. Under the ordinances of the convention and acts 
of Assembly steps had been taken to import goods from abroad 
embracing munitions of war, clothing for the soldiers, medicines 
and other necessaries ; and Governor Vance faithfully carried out 
these measures, and the importations by the State were most im- 
portant; and otherwise Governor Vance sought to strengthen 
the Confederate armies. In no other State was the Conscript 
Law so thoroughly and so well enforced as in North Carolina, and 
the State sent more troops in proportion to population to the war 
than any other State. Yet faction held its course, and Holden 
being regarded as a traitor, daily injuring the Confederate cause, 
in September a Georgia brigade passing through Raleigh wrecked 
the Standard office ; and the next morning a Raleigh mob in retal- 
iation destroyed the printing office of the State Journal, a paper 
which warmly sustained the Confederate administration. This 
was but an illustration of the evil effects of the factious oppo- 
sition to the Confederate Government that was fostered by dis- 
satisfied politicians and which was so strongly denounced by the 
convention of soldiers. In the following year, Governor Vance 
sought a re-election as governor, urging a continuance of the 
war for independence, and he was opposed by W. W. Holden, 
who advocated peace without regard to Southern independence. 
Governor Vance was elected, receiving 43,000 votes and Holden 
29,000. The legislature then elected was more in accord with 
the Confederate Government than the legislature chosen in 1862 ; 
but these factional differences left an indelible mark, and their 
results were plainly seen when the Confederacy was over- 
thrown and the people fell under the power of the Federal 

In 1865, when General Sherman arranged a capitulation of 
Johnston's army, he recognized the validity of the existing gov- 
ernments in the different Southern States, and Johnston's troops 
were to be marched to the respective State capitals, where they 


were to deposit their arms and then be disbanded, and the existing 
State governments were to restore the States to the Union. This 
was on the understanding that the war was over, and it might 
very well have been done. President Lincoln on his visit to 
Richmond, on April 4th, assented to a call for the existing legis- 
lature of Virginia to reassemble with the view of their withdrawing 
the Virginia troops from General Lee's army, and desisting from 
resistance to the general government; but on its being suggested 
that he regarded that as the rightful legislature of the State, he 
withdrew his assent in the last telegram sent by him before his 
assassination, on April 12th, the policy of the Federal Government 
being not to recognize as lawful the then government of any 
Southern State. The South being quiet. President Johnson, in 
May, 1865, invited Governor Swain and Hon. B. F. Moore and 
Mr. William Eaton to advise with him about the reconstruction 
of the State, and these gentlemen urged that, inasmuch as Gov- 
ernor Vance was imprisoned, the Speakers of the two. Houses 
should call the legislature together, and the legislature would call 
a convention that would restore the State to the Union. Presi- 
dent Johnson, however, would not agree to recognize either the 
legislature or any State officer elected during the war. Presi- 
dent Lincoln had prepared a plan to restore the Southern States 
to their places in the Union, which had the approval of his Cabi- 
net; and President Johnson followed that plan. It required the 
appointment of a provisional governor and the calling of a con- 
vention to act in the name of the people of the State. Other 
North Carolinians being present, they recommended to the Presi- 
dent the appointment of W. W. Holden as provisional gov- 
ernor, and that appointment being made. Governor Holden called 
a convention, the delegates being elected only by those white 
citizens who could vote under the President's plan of procedure. 
The convention met on the 2d of October, and by its action 
restored the State to the Union, and the fact was announced 
in a proclamation made by President Johnson, and the Chief Jus- 
tice of the United States opened the Federal Court at Raleigh. 
This reconstruction was based on the idea that North Carolina 


possessed Statehood and that her old constitution was still her 
fundamental law. 

At that time the original secessionists were in great disfavor; 
and the majority of the convention were of those who belonged 
to Holden's faction during the war, many of whom were bitterly 
hostile to the Confederate element. On the second day of the 
session, as Judge Howard was taking his seat, Mr. William A. 
Wright, a very conservative and cautious man, approached him 
and said: "Howard, do you know what sort of people we have 
here? Why, there are forty would hang you out of that win- 
dow." Judge Howard and Judge Manly and those who affiliated 
with them proposed an ordinance repealing the secession ordi- 
nance of May 20, 1861 ; but the majority were not disposed to 
show that respect to the convention of 1861, notwithstanding the 
distinguished citizens who composed it, and insisted on passing 
an ordinance declaring that the action of the convention of 1861 
had at all times been an absolute nullity. The convention, acting 
on the idea that the Constitution of 1776 was the fundamental 
law, provided for the election of governor and other State officers 
and of the legislature under the terms and conditions formulated 
by President Lincoln and announced by President Johnson. The 
action of the convention being satisfactory to the President, he 
declared North Carolina a State in the Union and entitled to 
representation in the Congress of the United States, and the 
people regarded themselves as citizens of the United States. At 
the election in November, 1865, Jonathan Worth was chosen by 
the people governor over W. W. Holden; and at the regular 
election, in 1866, he was again elected governor ; and the Supreme 
Court and other courts of the State enforced the laws and 
observed the State and Federal constitutions. 

Congress, however, did not assent to the proposition that North 
Carolina was entitled to representation in that body, and would 
not admit her senators and representatives to their seats. At 
length, in March, 1867, Congress proposed to establish negro 
suffrage at the South, and passed a measure declaring that there 
was no civil government in any Southern State, and denying 


North Carolina Statehood, and providing for the government of 
the territory within the limits of North Carolina by a major-gen- 
eral, who was authorized to take steps to form a constitution and 
a government therein founded on negro suffrage. 

This destruction of the State government and establishment of 
negro suffrage by an act of Congress was upheld largely by the 
factionists who had supported Holden in 1862 and 1864, and 
those who had voted for him at the election of 1865, while the 
other citizens of the State generally opposed it with great vehe- 
mence. The major-general requested all the officers in North 
Carolina to continue to discharge their functions, but subject to 
his supreme power to direct their action and to remove them at 
pleasure and to appoint others to their places. He required the 
judges to disobey certain enactments of the legislature and to 
administer in the courts the orders which he issued. He caused, 
under the act of Congress, a registration to be made of the male 
negroes twenty-one years of age and of the whites, but disfran- 
chised some 11,000 of the white citizens; and delegates to a con- 
vention were elected and a new constitution was framed, pro- 
viding for negro suffrage; and by his order an election was 
held for the ratification of the constitution and the election of 
officers provided for in that instrument ; the negroes being allowed 
to vote at that election. The new government went into opera- 
tion upon the acceptance of the constitution by Congress, on the 
25th of June, 1868, and Governor Holden was inaugurated on 
July 4, 1868, he having been elected when the constitution was 
voted for. At the election the people had divided on the ques- 
tion of negro suffrage; but after the legislature met, its course 
in issuing bonds and on other material subjects raised other issues 
that inflamed the people. In 1870 occurred the Holden-Kirk 
war, in the midst of which a new legislature was elected that 
proved conservative. The action of this body was most impor- 
tant. It was largely composed of young men who had served 
under Lee and Jackson, and they had resolution and firmness as 
well as patriotism and wisdom. They impeached and deposed 
Governor Holden, but quieted the State. Under their wise man- 



agement such political foundations were laid that the great bulk 
of the white people began to co-operate. Questions involving 
the races and their relations lay at the bottom of political action ; 
and gradually the whites consolidated sufficiently for them, in 
1875, to alter the constitution so far as to permit legislation that 
would protect the eastern counties from the domination of negro 
majorities. For twenty years this new system remained in force 
and quiet reigned, and the people were happy, contented and 
prosperous. At the end of that period, however, by a combina- 
tion of the Populist Party and the Republicans, that system of 
county government was repealed, and the effect was so positive 
that immediately the whites again consolidated and amended 
the State constitution so as to deprive all negroes who could 
not read and write of the privilege of voting. 

It was largely on these lines of race issues that the public men 
of the State have divided since the eventful period when the 
Southern Confederacy was overthrown and North Carolina was 
brought back into the Union. 


Abraham Alexander, the chairman of the 

Mecklenburg Convention of the 19th and 20th 
of May, 1775, was born in 1718. He was an 
influential and active magistrate of the county 
of Mecklenburg before and after the Revolu- 
tion, and was generally the honored chairman 
of the Inferior Court. In 1762 he was a member of the council 
during the administration of Governor Dobbs. 

He was one of the trustees and directors named in the convey- 
ance by Henry G. McCulloh, agent for George A. Selwyn, of a 
tract of three hundred and sixty acres of land in the city of 
Charlotte, and upon which the city now stands. The considera- 
tion was £90 lawful money. The date of the conveyance was 
15th of January, 1767, and the other trustees and directors 
were Thomas Polk and John Frohock. In the latter part of 1765 
the same land was donated to the same commissioners "to hold 
in trust for the county of Mecklenburg, on which to erect a court- 
house, prison and stocks." 

He was a member of the Assemblies of 1769 and 1771 and also 
of the Provincial Congress of the 25th of August, 1774, which was 
the first Assembly which was held independent of royal authority. 
He was one of the fifteen trustees of Queen's College of Char- 
lotte, which was chartered by the colonial legislature which met 
at New-Bern in December, 1770. This charter was repealed by 


royal proclamation-, but was granted again in 1777 by the Gen- 
eral Assembly, the name of the institution being changed to 
Liberty Hall Academy. Abraham Alexander was reappointed a 

When the convention of the 19th of May, 1775, met in Char- 
lotte, the organization was perfected by the election of a chairman 
in the person of Abraham Alexander. On the following day were 
adopted the resolutions which absolved the citizens of that county 
from allegiance to the Crown, and which are known in the histories 
as the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. 

After the involuntary retreat of Josiah Martin, the royal gov- 
ernor, the government of the State was vested in a Provincial 
Congress for the whole State and Committees of Safety for each 
county of not less than twenty-one persons, who were to be elected 
annually by the people of each county. Abraham Alexander was 
elected chairman of the committee for Mecklenburg, and saw that 
the laws of the committee were strictly enforced. It was this 
committee which met in Charlotte on the 31st of May, 1775, and 
adopted a series of rules and regulations for the internal govern- 
ment of the county, a necessary sequel to the proceedings of the 
convention of the 20th of May, which adopted the Declaration of 

Abraham Alexander was a most worthy, exemplary and influ- 
ential member of society. He died in 1786, and is buried at Sugar 
Creek Presbyterian Church, which he had served for many years 
as a ruling elder. 

W. A. Withers. 


' N treating of the War of the Revolution, history 
has done ample justice to the bravery, trials 
and sufiferings of those who fought for inde- 
pendence, yet little is known of a department 
of the army which carried relief to the stricken 
patriots and brought back to health many 
whose wounds seemed to render recovery well-nigh hopeless. 
Among those who ministered to the sick and wounded during the 
course of the war was Nathaniel Alexander, who held a com- 
mission as surgeon, or "chirurgeon," in the Continental Line, and 
became a member of Congress and governor of North Carolina 
after the return of peace. 

Dr. Alexander was born in Mecklenburg County, North Caro- 
lina, on the 5th day of March, 1756. His father, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Moses Alexander, was an influential citizen of the colony 
who served in the Cherokee boundary expedition of 1767. He was 
also commissary of the Mecklenburg regiment in Governor 
Tryon's first campaign against the Regulators in 1768, and filled 
the same post under General Waddell in the spring of 1771, when 
Tryon's second campaign was in progress. During the same 
troubles he led a detachment which marched from Charlotte to the 
relief of Salisbury when the latter place was threatened by the 
Regulators in March, 1771. 

His son, Nathaniel Alexander, subject of this sketch, was edu- 


cated at Princeton College, New Jersey, and graduated therefrom 
in 1776. Having devoted some time to the study of medicine, he 
was commissioned surgeon in the North Carolina Continental Line, 
or regulars, in 1778, and served until 1782, when hostilities ceased. 
For several years after the war Dr. Alexander practiced his pro- 
fession at the High Hills of the Santee in South Carolina, but 
later returned to Charlotte. He became a member of the North 
Carolina House of Commons in 1797, representing Mecklenburg 
County. He was State senator from Mecklenburg at two sessions, 
in 1801 and 1802. In 1803 he was elected to the Congress of the 
United States, and served from October 17, 1803, till March 3, 
1805. His course was so popular that on November S, 1805, he 
was elected governor of North Carolina. The duties of this office 
he discharged till November 24, 1807, when he was succeeded in 
the executive chair by Governor Benjamin Williams. 

Governor Alexander was particularly distinguished in his gener- 
ation as a friend of public education. From 1805 to 1807, prior 
to the period when the governor of the State was ex-ofUcio presi- 
dent of the board, he was president of the board of trustees of 
the University; and as governor he sought to impress upon the 
legislature the wisdom of providing some system of general edu- 
cation for the public. 

In his message of November 19, 1806, he took strong ground in 
favor of extended popular education. He said : "In a government 
constituted as ours, where the people are everything — where they 
are the fountain of all power — it becomes infinitely important that 
they be sufficiently enlightened to realize their interests and to 
comprehend the best means of advancing them. Indeed, it may be 
affirmed with truth that, unless they be informed, the duration 
of their liberties will be precarious, their enemies will seduce them 
from the pursuit of their true interest, or their prejudices will lead 



necessary exercise of lawful authority, to discriminate the spirit 
of liberty from that of licentiousness — to cherish the one and to 
avoid the other. The inquiry is of vast consequence, and worthy 
of your serious consideration." 

His career, which promised so much of usefulness and advan- 
tage to the State and people, was, however, unhappily cut short 
by his death at Salisbury on March 8, 1808. 

Governor Alexander was married to a daughter of the famous 
Mecklenburg patriot. Colonel Thomas Polk; but as in the case 
of many other illustrious men, nature denied to him posterity, and 
he left no issue. 

Marshall De Lancey Haywood. 


OHN McKNITT ALEXANDER, secretary of 
the convention which assembled in Charlotte 
and adopted on May 20th, 1775, the resolutions 
which are known in history as the Mecklenburg 
Declaration of Independence, was born in 
Pennsylvania, near the Maryland line, in 1733. 
He was the son of James Alexander and the grandson of Joseph 
Alexander of Maryland. Upon reaching his majority in 1754, 
he emigrated to North Carolina along with his kinsmen. Five 
years afterward he married Jane, the daughter of William Bain, 
who also emigrated from Pennsylvania. His homestead is known 
as Alexandriana, and is located a few miles north of Charlotte. 
The name of the railroad station near it was recently changed 
to Croft. 

He was crown surveyor of Mecklenburg County for many years, 
and on account of his knowledge of boundary lines was a fre- 
quent witness at court in land suits, and great weight attached to 
his testimony. He also served his county as magistrate. He was 
a delegate to the convention which met at Hillsboro on the 21st 
of August, 177s, and also to the Provincial Congress which met at 
Halifax on the 4th of April, 1776, and which adopted resolutions 
instructing the delegates from North Carolina in the Continental 
Congress to unite with the delegates of the other colonies in* 
declaring independence and forming foreign alliances. In 1777 


he served as the first senator from Mecklenburg County under 
the new constitution. 

He was a trustee of Queen's College at Charlotte at the time 
of its charter by the Colonial Assemblies of 1770 and 1771, and 
again in 1777, when the institution was rechartered by the Gen- 
eral Assembly as Liberty Hall Academy. 

He was ruling elder of the Hopewell Presbyterian Church, and 
is buried in its graveyard. He served his church frequently as 
treasurer of the synod of the Carolinas. 

When a young man he was apprenticed to a tailor, and when he 
came to North Carolina he brought with him ready-made clothes 
and cloths to be made to order. He trafficked with his country- 
men, transporting his pelts on horseback to the city and returning 
with a fresh supply of goods. Prospering in business, he soon 
became a man of wealth and an extensive landholder. Shrewd, 
enterprising and successful, a man of principle and inspiring 
respect, in less than twenty years from his first crossing the 
Yadkin he was agitating with his fellow-citizens of Mecklenburg 
the rights of persons, of property and of conscience and resist- 
ing the encroachments of the king. He died in 18 17 at the 
advanced age of eighty-four years. He was a man of attractive 
social qualities, of dignity of manner, undoubted honesty and 
strong religious convictions. Among the prominent citizens of 
the State are to be found many of his descendants. 

He preserved the records of the Independence Convention of the 
19th and 20th of May, 1775, vintil his house was destroyed by fire 
in 1800. About five months thereafter (September 3d) he repro- 
duced the resolutions from memory. This paper came into 
possession of General William R. Davie and later of General 
Montfort Stokes, who published the same in 1831. The follow- 
ing note was added to the copy made by Mr. Alexander : "It may 
be worthy of notice here to observe that the foregoing statement, 
though fundamentally correct, may not literally correspond with 
the original record of the transaction of said declaration and court 
of inquiry, as all these records and papers were burned with the 
house on April 6, 1800, but previous to that time of 1800, a full 



copy of the records, at the request of Dr. Hugh Williamson, then 
of New York, but formerly a representative in Congress from this 
State, was forwarded to him by Colonel William Polk, in order 
that those early transactions might fill their proper place in a 
history of the State then being written by Dr. Williamson in 
New York." 

Other copies were in possession of Rev. Humphrey Hunter and 
General Joseph Graham, both of whom were present when the 
original resolutions were adopted. Another copy was found in 
possession of Adam Brevard, whose brother, Ephraim Brevard, 
wrote and presented the resolutions to the convention for adoption. 
This reproduced copy is the same in substance as the copy pub- 
lished in Martin's History. The evidence in regard to the adoption 
of the resolutions was published by the General Assembly of 1831, 
and is overwhelming, although the original was destroyed by fire. 

W. A. Withers. 



distinguished citizen of the State connected with 
the important work of transportation, was born 
near FrankHnton, in Franklin County, on the 
23d day of July, 1841, and his career presents 
a fine illustration of the capabilities of native 
North Carolinians to achieve high distinction in the several walks 
of life. Through many generations his ancestors have been North 
Carolinians. The first of the Andrews family to come into North 
Carolina was Thomas Andrews, who in 1726 patented 200 acres 
of land in the lower end of Bertie, and twelve years later pur- 
chased a tract on the north side of the Roanoke, then called the 
Morratuck River, adjoining the lands of George Williams, in the 
upper part of Bertie, near the Northampton line, and there made 
his home. He was joined in 1749 by William Andrews and 
Samuel, who came from Southampton County, Virginia, where 
many of that family were living as early as the year 1700. 

One of the sons of William Andrews, Abner, married Mary 
Williams, a daughter of his neighbor, George Williams, about the 
year 1750, and had three children, one of whom, John, was born 
in 1754. He married first a Miss Reaves, but she dying, he 
subsequently located in Pitt County, where he married Elizabeth 
Bell, a widow, a daughter of Major Jonas Johnston, a hero of the 
Revolution, who fell at Stono; and by her he had two sons, 


William J. and Abner J., and two daughters. Young William J. 
Andrews, after the death of his father, passed his youth at Wood- 
bourne, and received his education there and at Palmyra, in Martin 
County, and located at Old Sparta, in Edgecombe, where he 
engaged in business as a merchant. At Shocco Springs, the 
fashionable resort of Eastern and Middle Carolina, he met Vir- 
ginia Hawkins, a daughter of Colonel John D. Hawkins, and on 
May 9, 1833, they were married. Mr. Andrews continued to 
reside in Edgecombe until about 1840, when he removed to Frank- 
lin, and two miles west of Franklinton the subject of this sketch 
was bom ; but shortly afterward Mr. Andrews moved to Hender- 
son, where he soon died, and the children were raised by their 
maternal grandparents. Colonel and Mrs. John D. Hawkins. 

Through his mother, Colonel Andrews is a descendant of the 
famous Hawkins family, whose patriotic deeds are blazoned in 
English history as well as in the annals of the Southern States. 
Sir John Hawkins, the renowned admiral, was one of Queen 
Elizabeth's most valiant captains in the destruction of the Spanish 
Armada. One of his descendants, Philemon, came to Virginia 
in 1715, dying in Gloucester County ten years later. His second 
son, of the same name, removed to Bute County, in North Caro- 
lina, and soon became a man of prominence, his home being a seat 
of elegant hospitality, and he being a leading patriot during the 
Revolutionary War. His son Benjamin, because of his pro- 
ficiency in modern languages, served at Washington's headquarters 
as an interpreter for the French officers on his staff. He was 
also a member of the Continental Congress, and he and Sam 
Johnston were the first senators chosen to represent the State in 
the United States Senate ; and he held many other important 
positions. Another son was Colonel John Hawkins, who married 
a sister of Hon. Nathaniel Macon ; and their eldest son, Philemon, 
married Lucy Davis, one of whose sons was Governor William 
Hawkins, the war governor during the period of the second war 
with Great Britain. Of their daughters, Eleanor married Sher- 
wood Haywood; Delia married Hon. George E. Badger; Ann, 
William P. Little; Lucy, Louis D. Henry; and Sarah, Colonel 


William Polk, one of her sons being Bishop Polk, who was also 
a general during the Confederate War. 

The eldest son of Philemon and Lucy Hawkins was Colonel 
John D. Hawkins, a graduate of the University of North Carolina, 
and for fifty years a trustee of that institution. He was a lawyer 
and planter and prominent as a political leader. He married 
Miss Jane A. Boyd, and among their sons were General P. B. 
Hawkins, Dr. Alexander B. Hawkins, and Dr. William J. 
Hawkins, for many years the president of the Raleigh and Gaston 
Railroad Co. and the president of the Citizens' National Bank; 
and among their daughters was Virginia, who married William J. 
Andrews of Edgecombe County, and became the mother of the 
subject of this sketch. 

In childhood. Colonel Andrews enjoyed all the freedom of 
•country life with its pastimes and pleasures, and developed into 
a strong and healthy boy. He was educated at the Henderson 
Male Academy, and being well advanced, in January, 1859, at 
the age of seventeen, he was employed as a clerk by his uncle. 
General P. B. Hawkins, who had a large contract for building 
a part of the Old Blue Ridge Railroad, and whose business 
centered in Pendleton, South Carolina. The Blue Ridge Railroad 
Company had been formed with a view of constructing a trunk 
line through what is known as Rabun Gap, which marks the lines 
between the States of Georgia and North Carolina, and the course 
of the Little Tennessee River was a more practicable route for a 
railroad to the West than that adopted earlier by the Louisville, 
Cincinnati and Charleston Railroad Company. The contemplated 
route was from Anderson Court House via Walhalla, South Caro- 
lina; Franklin, North Carolina; and Knoxville, Tennessee, on to 
Cincinnati. But after two millions and a half had been spent in 
the construction of the line, the enterprise was abandoned; how- 
ever, in 1861 the road was built to Walhalla. 

After six months' service as clerk, young Andrews was pro- 
moted and made superintendent and purchasing agent by General 
Hawkins, and held that important and responsible position until 
the latter part of i860, when the contract being finished, he 


returned to North Carolina. While engaged on this work, his 
energy, ability, faithfulness and loyalty were so conspicuous that 
offers were made to him of other positions, which were declined, 
as he preferred to continue and finish the construction he had 
undertaken. It thus appears that at the early age of seventeen 
Colonel Andrews manifested great capacity and a peculiar fitness 
for railroad construction and management, and that he then gave 
evidence of those capabilities which have since so highly dis- 
tinguished him. 

Being at home when the war broke out in the spring of 1861, 
he responded to the call of the State and enlisted as a Confederate 
soldier. On the loth day of May, 1861, he was appointed Second 
Lieutenant of Company E, First North Carolina Cavalry (Ninth 
North Carolina State troops). Colonel Robert Ransom command- 
ing ; and on September 23d of the same year he was promoted to 
First Lieutenant and transferred to Company B. He accom- 
panied his regiment to Virginia, and did duty at Manassas ; one 
of their early engagements being near the village of Vienna, 
fifteen miles from Alexandria. When in December the first 
cavalry brigade was formed. General J. E. B. Stuart being the 
brigadier, the regiment was placed in that brigade; but in the 
spring of 1862, Eastern North Carolina being invaded by the 
Federal troops of Burnside's expedition, it was ordered to the 
protection of the eastern counties, and took position near Kinston, 
remaining in that vicinity until about the middle of June, 
when it was directed to return to Richmond, then threatened by 

On the way to Weldon, Captain Whitaker of Company B being 
temporarily absent, and Lieutenant Andrews having the command, 
information was received that three Federal gunboats had passed 
Jamesville on their way to destroy the railroad bridge at Weldon. 
Lieutenant Andrews hastily led his company to Poplar Point, about 
ten miles from Williamston, where he stationed a detachment, 
while he conducted the remainder to Rainbow Banks, afterward 
known as Fort Branch, two miles east of Hamilton, and there he 
awaited the approach of the gunboats. The leading gunboat, 


under the command of Lieutenant Flusser, notwithstanding the 
rapid fire of the cavalry, successfully passed and landed one hun- 
dred and twenty-five marines and two pieces of artillery at Hamil- 
ton, but proceeded no further ; and on its return it was again so 
vigorously attacked that the Federal expedition was abandoned 
without accomplishing any result. The activity, energy and good 
judgment of Lieutenant Andrews in this affair gave promise of 
his becoming a most enterprising and excellent cavalry officer, 
and it is the only instance recalled of a cavalry company success- 
fully resisting and driving back a force of gunboats. On the 
1 2th of July following this engagement. Lieutenant Andrews was 
promoted to the captaincy of his company, and with the regiment 
he participated in all the cavalry tnovements around Richmond 
and in the Maryland campaign, culminating in the capture of 
Harper's Ferry and ending at the battle of Sharpsburg. 

He accompanied Stuart in his raid around McClellan's army on 
the 9th of October, the command penetrating as far as Chambers- 
burg, and bringing out more than a thousand led horses, and on 
that expedition the regiment performed much conspicuous service. 
During that autumn and winter the regiment was in many engage- 
ments, and it fought single-handed, under Colonel Baker, the. hot 
action at Kelly's Ford ; and it was in the thickest of the fight and 
the longest on the field at the great battle of Brandy Station, 
Major McClellan, in his "Life of Stuart," making special mention 
of the splendid work done by it on that occasion. 

Through all these perils, Captain Andrews fortunately passed 
without injury, though he had his horse killed under him at 
Upperville. He was with Stuart in his detour around Meade's 
army in the Gettysburg campaign, the regiment occupying Carlyle, 
Pennsylvania, and participating in more than a dozen actions. 
After the return to Virginia, it was in the hard fight at Jack's 
Shop, on the 22d of September, 1863, Company B being in the 
advance. Here, while gallantly cheering on his men. Captain 
Andrews fell, shot through the lung, the ball striking the spinal 
column and removing a piece of the bone. The wound at first 
was thought mortal, and a correspondent writing at the time to 


the Fayetteville Observer said: "No braver or better man has 
fallen during the war. He was universally beloved by all." But 
fortunately Captain Andrews did not die, although long confined 
to the hospital. Anxious to be with his command, while still very 
weak and having hemorrhages, he sought the camp, but was 
compelled by his physical condition to return to the hospital. On 
two other occasions he attempted to resume service with his com- 
pany, but his wound incapacitated him for active duty, and it 
becoming obvious that he could not perform his duty as captain, 
he abided by the advice of the surgeons, and in justice to his 
subordinate officers, was retired in the fall of 1864. His company, 
being a part of Stuart's famous cavalry, shared in all the hard- 
ships and dangers of that historic corps, and Captain Andrews 
so bore himself as to have been conspicuous for his gallant con- 
duct on every field of battle. 

In December, 1861, Colonel Robert Ransom desired to execute 
a very dangerous raid, and ordered a detail of two hundred picked 
men and selected officers. Lieutenant Andrews learning of this 
detail, asked the adjutant to select him as one of the lieutenants. 
Colonel Ransom overhearing the conversation, lectured him on 
volunteering to place himself in danger, saying: "Having confi- 
dence in your ability and soldierly qualifications, you are one of 
the first I ordered put upon the detail, but if I had not selected you, 
I would not now yield to your request. Should you be wounded 
or killed in the line of duty, having been detailed, it would be the 
fortune of war, but no one should voluntarily seek to imperil his 
life." Colonel Andrews has always remembered this advice, and 
has acted upon it throughout his career. 

It is noteworthy that during his connection with the army of 
Northern Virginia his service was mostly along the line of the 
old Orange and Alexandria Railroad, running from Alexandria 
to Lynchburg, and little did the young officer then think that in 
the years to come he would be the president of that very line, 
as well as the first vice-president of the great system stretching 
from Washington City to the Mississippi River with its branches 
and controlled roads comprising nearly 9000 miles. 


It was one of the characteristics of Captain Andrews as an 
officer to maintain the strictest discipline, he having been trained 
by Colonel Robert Ransom, and his early experience in managing 
men leading to the same result ; but when off duty he treated his 
comrades as associates, and his subordinates always found him easy 
of approach and willing at all times to hear suggestions and 
complaints. These characteristics, formed during his army service, 
have abided with him in after life ; and while no man is more strict 
in his own performance of duty and in requiring the full perform- 
ance of duties by his subordinates, yet he is noted for his patient 
hearing of every grievance that is brought to his attention, and he 
has followed what may be called the Golden Rule of "Never 
putting any one in a position he would be unwilling to occupy 
himself under similar circumstances." 

Having been paroled on the surrender of Johnston's army at 
Greensboro, he returned home with health still impaired, the 
hemorrhages from his wound continuing, and with only two horses 
and two silver dollars as his worldly possessions. The war had 
swept away what little property that belonged to the family, and 
as several sisters and a younger brother were dependent on him, 
he realized the necessity of some immediate employment ; and with 
the energy and enterprising spirit which he has always manifested, 
he turned from the disastrous past to the dubious and uncertain 
future. He had noticed that because the railroad bridges at 
Weldon and Gaston had been destroyed the passengers were trans- 
ferred across the Roanoke in an ordinary flat-bottomed ferry boat, 
and after a careful investigation he concluded that profitable em- 
ployment might be obtained by undertaking the transfer of passen- 
gers, freight, baggage and mail across the river. He formulated 
a proposition to that end, which was accepted by the several rail- 
road companies, and building a log house near Gaston, he remained 
there directing the work of transferring freight and passengers 
until May, 1866, when the new bridge at Weldon was completed; 
and now whenever he happens to see a long batteau or a flat boat 
he says that "he always takes his hat off to boats of that kind, as 
they made him the first money he had after the war." 


When the necessity for his services in that connection had 
ceased, Captain Andrews engaged in business at Henderson until 
July, 1867, when he received a telegram from one of the directors 
of the Raleigh and Gaston Railroad informing him that he had 
been chosen superintendent of that road, and asking if he would 
accept it. After a conference with the directors, he accepted the 
position, and was soon appointed general superintendent. The 
next year he was elected also superintendent of the Chatham 
Railroad, later known as the Raleigh and Augusta Air Line, and 
now a part of the Seaboard Air Line, and under his supervision 
fifty-six miles of that road were constructed. 

In 1871, the Richmond and Danville Railroad Co. secured a 
lease of the North Carolina Railroad, running from Charlotte to 
Goldsboro, for a term of thirty years, and the executive ofRcers 
of that company coming in contact with Captain Andrews and 
appreciating his unusual capacity to manage railroad property, 
offered him the superintendency of that line, which he accepted 
on November i, 1875, and left the service of the Raleigh and 
Gaston; and he held that position for eleven years, when he was 
promoted to the third vice-presidency of the Richmond and Dan- 
ville. From 1878 to 1880, at the solicitation of the governor of 
North Carolina, Governor Jarvis, he acted as superintendent of 
the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad, which was virtually 
owned and controlled by the State, and he sought to operate it in 
conjunction with the North Carolina Railroad, making a through; 
line from the mountains to the sea. 

In 1881, the Western North Carolina Railroad, which was also- 
virtuall}' owned by the State, was, under an act passed at a special 
session of the legislature, sold to a syndicate of New York capital- 
ists composed of William J. Best, William R. Grace, J. Nelson 
Tappin and James D. Fish, under a contract which provided for 
reimbursing the State for money expended for the purchase of the- 
road in 1875 and subsequent construction, amounting in the aggre- 
gate to $1,400,000, for the payment of all convict labor on the 
road, and for the completion of the two branches of the great- 
work to Paint Rock and to Murphy. The Best syndicate failed 


in the performance of their contract, and sold to Messrs. Clyde, 
Buford & Logan, who bought in the interest of the Richmond and 
Danville Railroad, and in 1881 Colonel Andrews was elected presi- 
dent of the company for the purpose of completing the road from 
Old Fort to the two termini as required. The construction of 
this line was fraught with many troubles and difficulties, both 
political and financial, and necessitated a great deal of legislation 
for several years ; and to the indomitable will and energy and good 
faith of Colonel Andrews the State of North Carolina is indebted 
for the completion of this important line through the mountains, 
which has been of incalculable advantage to the State. Indeed, 
at one time the Richmond and Danville Railroad Company with- 
drew its support and financial backing, as the completion of the 
branch to Murphy seemed a penalty out of proportion to the 
benefit that would accrue from the construction of the road to the 
Tennessee line. Colonel Andrews, however, having entered upon 
the work, would not agree to its being stopped, and as he had 
pledged himself to the State and to the legislature that he would 
finish it if certain legislation were adopted and certain convict 
labor furnished, he personally assumed large liabilities to continue 
it, and exerted all his influence to persuade the Richmond and 
Danville Railroad Company to again undertake its construction. 
With much difficulty he accomplished his purpose, and the Rich- 
mond and Danville reluctantly consented to resume the work, and 
relieved him of the personal obligations he had assumed. 

Under his administration, the Western North Carolina paid in 
full all the debt due to the State under the Best contract, and on 
one occasion made a single payment of $600,000, which relieved 
the State from the necessity of levying any public tax that year. 
The completion of this line despite the almost insurmountable 
difficulties that attended it is only another evidence of those 
characteristics which Colonel Andrews displayed in his earlier days 
and during his career as a Confederate officer; and the road has 
proved of inestimable value to the State, and particularly to the 
mountain section, which has been developed much beyond the 
wildest conceptions ; and of itself it is a monument that will stand 


forever to the fame of this enterprising, energetic and competent 
railroad manager. 

Two years later the Richmond and Danville, recognizing Colonel 
Andrews's great ability and masterful capacity, made him assistant 
to the president, which position he occupied until 1886, when he 
became third vice-president ; and three years later he was appointed 
second vice-president, with a larger scope of importatit duties, and 
he continued to hold that position until 1892, when the company, 
becoming involved, passed into the hands of receivers. But 
Colonel Andrews's management had been so satisfactory and his 
administrative ability was so highly appreciated that the receivers 
appointed him their general agent, and continued him in the 
management of the property until the Southern Railway Company, 
which was organized in June, 1894, purchased all the lines for- 
merly known as the Richmond and Danville Railroad ; and at the 
first meeting of the directors of the new company he was elected 
second vice-president, and the next year he was promoted to the 
position of first vice-president; and 'since then he has held the 
next to the highest official position in the Southern Railway Com- 
pany, which now operates nearly 9000 miles of railroad. 

Notwithstanding the many changes in the ownership of the 
Richmond and Danville Railroad, and in the directory, and in the 
executive head, and the subsequent reorganization of the property 
into the great Southern Railway system. Colonel Andrews has 
always been retained in an executive capacity, and each succeeding 
change has brought him ample recognition of his fine abilities for 
management. Promotion followed promotion, until now for ten 
years he has held the highest office in the company, except alone 
the presidency, and his successful career is the highest proof of 
his great excellence, and attests his unsurpassed business capacity. 
In addition to his other offices and duties. Colonel Andrews has 
been president of the Charlotte, Columbia and Augusta Railroad 
Company, of the Columbia and Greenville, the Virginia Midland, 
the Northwestern North Carolina, the Oxford and Clarksville, the 
Oxford and Henderson, the Atlantic, Tennessee and Ohio, the 
Statesville and Western and the Piedmont Railroad Company, all 


of which were in 1894 reorganized and brought into the Southern 
Railway system. At present he is president of the Southern Rail- 
way, Carolina division, which comprises what was at one time the 
old South Carolina Railroad, the Spartanburg, Union and Colum- 
bia, the Asheville and Spartanburg, the South Carolina and 
Georgia Extension Company, with its road from Camden to Marion, 
North Carolina; the North Carolina Midland, the High Point, 
Randleman, Asheboro and Southern, the Atlantic and Yadkin, the 
Elberton Air Line, the Hartwell, the Roswell, the Yadkin, the 
Charlottesville and Rapidan, the Carolina and Tennessee South- 
ern, the Tennessee and Carolina Southern, the Ensley Southern 
and the Warrior Southern ; all of which are independent railroad 
companies, although they are operated as a part of the Southern 
system. Under his management many of these roads were pro- 
jected and constructed, while others have been greatly improved, 
and the whole system has, with a vast outlay and unremitting 
care, been brought up to the highest state of efficiency; and so 
great has been the development of traffic under his manage- 
ment that a large portion of the through line is being laid in 
double track as being absolutely necessary for prompt trans- 

Indeed, no other man in the South, if there be any in the Union, 
has been identified with the management of so many railroad com- 
panies and has such a multiplicity of onerous duties to perform. 
To properly discharge them has severely taxed his physical ability, 
and only a man of his strong constitution, his unerring judgment, 
his evenness of temper and self-control could have borne up under 
the oppressive and exacting burden; but by close application he 
has been able not only to perform every service required of him, 
but also to render his connection with the great property com- 
mitted to his management of inestimable advantage to the public 
as well as to the owners. By his careful and intelligent direction, 
the territory of the South contributory to the Southern system 
has been greatly benefited and its varied resources largely devel- 
oped, and while as a result of his work all of the Southern States 
east of the Mississippi have shared in the common improvement, 


in particular Central and Western North Carolina have felt the 
benefit of his patriotic labors. 

Besides his railroad operations, Colonel Andrews is a director 
of the Sloss-Sheffield Steel and Iron Company of Birmingham, 
Alabama, one of the largest coal and iron producing companies of 
the country, and he was one of the organizers of the Citizens' 
National Bank of Raleigh, and has been a director continuously 
since its organization in 1871, and has long been the vice-president 
of the institution. The career of this bank has been a phenomenal 
success, and is another evidence of the good judgment and high 
ability of Colonel Andrews, whose influence has always largely 
controlled its operations. 

Colonel Andrews has never sought political office, preferring to 
devote himself to the management of the railroad committed to his 
care, and finding satisfaction in building up the Southern country, 
and especially the undeveloped regions of Western North Caro- 
lina. At one time, however, he was a member of the Board of 
Aldermen at Henderson, and also of the city of Raleigh, and he 
served as an aide-de-camp with the rank of colonel on the staff 
of Governor Vance, and also on the staflf of Governor Jarvis. 
In 1886, President Cleveland appointed him a commissioner, as a 
representative of the United States Government, to examine part 
of the North Pacific Railroad and to make a report on the con- 
dition and value of that property. This appointment was con- 
ferred on Colonel Andrews because of his long experience in 
railroad construction and operation, the duties to be discharged 
requiring not only this practical knowledge, but high integrity 
and determination and decision of character. During the admin- 
istration of Governor Fowle, he was nominated by the governor 
and appointed by the President as one of the State commissioners 
to the Columbian Exposition at Chicago, and upon the organiza- 
tion of the National Committee in 1890, he became fifth vice- 
president ; and at its close he was selected as one of the Committee 
of Awards and a member of the Executive Committee appointed to 
wind up the affairs of the exposition. These positions, outside 
of his regular work, came to him without solicitation, and being so 


important in their nature, Colonel Andrews did not choose to 
decline them. 

As a patriotic North Carolinian, he has also served as a trustee 
of the University of North Carolina since 1885, and he is a member 
of the Executive Committee and also of the Finance Committee. 
While broad-minded in his political opinions, and viewing public 
questions from a national standpoint, entirely free from sectional- 
ism. Colonel Andrews is devotedly attached to Confederate mem- 
ories and to the old soldiers who were associated with him during 
the trying ordeal of the war between the States, and he has con- 
stantly sought to render them such service as he could. He was 
one of the original organizers of the Soldiers' Home established 
at Raleigh, and has taken a great interest in its enlargement and 
management, and is now president and chairman of the board of 

Colonel Andrews's great success in life has been achieved by 
unremitting exertion and good judgment. Frankness of speech 
and directness of action are among his strongest personal char- 
acteristics. His manner is always courteous and considerate, 
straightforward and frank. He rarely gives advice unasked, nor 
does he offer his opinion unnecessarily, but in matters of business 
or policy where he is concerned he expresses himself with open- 
ness and decision. He is always willing to consider the reasons 
of others, and if his own ideas are different, he listens with 
attention, and does not adhere unreasonably to his preconceived 
opinions. Not willing to submit to an injustice himself, if in his 
intercourse with the public or with an individual he does that 
which might work an injustice to another, he is prompt to take 
all steps possible to correct it ; and notwithstanding the many hard 
knocks he has received in his official career, he prefers to concede 
to every one honesty of purpose and integrity of action. 

In his private life he is kindly, hospitable and generous, and 
although making no display of his charities, it rarely happens that 
any deserving object appeals to him in vain; and above all, he is 
constant in his friendships, strong in antagonism if antagonism 
comes, but a true friend to those admitted to his friendship. He 


has always been a close student of human nature, and forms 
his opinions of those with whom he has dealings promptly, rarely 
making a mistake in his judgment. Indeed, his great success in 
managing men and conducting affairs has largely been due to 
his unerring ability to select proper men for the particular class 
of work he desires to perform, and he accords to those who work 
with him or under him their proper share in the success of his 
undertakings, giving to others due credit and rarely assuming 
credit for himself. 

Colonel Andrews is a communicant of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church, and has long been connected with the Church of the 
Good Shepherd at Raleigh, and toward its support and main- 
tenance he has been a liberal contributor. He is also a leading 
spirit in the Capital Club at Raleigh, and has done much to 
maintain that social organization at the State capital. He is a 
Master Mason, and a Royal Arch Mason, and Knight Templar, 
and a Shriner. His political affiliations are with the Democratic 
Party, in which he has long exerted a large influence because of 
his personal abilities, his numerous friends and the great inter- 
ests in the State which he controls. 

Being asked for some suggestion that might be helpful to the 
young men of the nation, he says: "From my experience and 
observation, to be successful and attain a position in society, one 
must above all things be honorable in his dealings with every one. 
He should be temperate in all things, and particularly so in the 
use of intoxicating beverages. Adopt the rule of doing unto 
others as one would be done by ; and never put aside for to-morrow 
what should be done to-day. Be loyal to his employer, and 
though it may at times seem that his devotion to his work and 
loyalty to his employer are not recognized, yet be patient and the 
reward will be the fulfilment of his highest ideas." 

On the 1st day of September, 1869, Colonel Andrews was 
happily united in marriage to Miss Julia M. Johnston, a daughter 
of Colonel William and Mrs. Anna E. Johnston of Charlotte, a 
lady who is greatly esteemed and beloved by a large circle of 
admiring friends ; and to them have been born five children, all of 


whom are now living. The oldest, William J. Andrews, is a lead- 
ing mechanical and electrical engineer, and president of the 
Raleigh Electric Company, and married Miss Augusta W. Ford 
of Covington, Kentucky. Alexander B. Andrews, Jr., is a prom- 
ising member of the North Carolina Bar, who has already done 
effective work. Their only daughter, Jane Hawkins, is happily 
married to a prominent cotton exporter of Montgomery, Alabama, 
William M. Marks. John H. Andrews is in the traffic depart- 
ment of the railway service, and Graham H. Andrews has begun 
active life in the Citizens' National Bank of Raleigh. 

S. A. Ashe. 


CNTIL recent years little has been known and 
less written on the life and work of John Arch- 
dale, the Quaker governor-general of the undi- 
vided province of Carolina. This has been due 
to two causes : the paucity and scattered condi- 
tion of our early records and the overshadowing 
influence of William Penn. But what Penn did toward the 
organization of Pennsylvania and the upbuilding of his followers 
there, John Archdale did in the Carolinas. 

For two hundred years it was the fashion to parade North 
Carolina as the refuge for all persons oppressed by the church, 
and Quakers were cited as proof. It was left for the present 
generation to disprove these claims. Recent publications have 
shown beyond cavil that it was not religious oppression that 
brought the first settlers into the wilderness of North Carolina, 
but the Anglo-Saxon hunger for land, more land and better 
land. The Quakers themselves have never claimed that they first 
came as religious refugees. They know better. When Edmund- 
son and Fox visited Albemarle, in 1672, they found but a single 
Quaker family, but they made many converts; they were work- 
ing in fallow ground, and